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1 ^^'(^

PRESIDENT WARREN GAMALIEL HARDING.

WABREN GAMALIEL HARDIIg

President of the United States

A REVIEW OF FACTS
COLLECTED FROM

Anthropological, Historical and
Political Researches

-BY-

William Estabrook Chancellor

FORMERLY

Professor of Economics, Politics and Social Science of
Wooster College, Wooster, Ohio

This book is sold and distributed by agents only.

THE SENTINAL PRESS

m -^^,

I '' --

It is a biological, likewise a psychologies! fallacy to
assume that human traits admit of any abrupt adapta-
tion to new environments or laws of physical or mental
operation.

The Sentinel Press has acquired unreserved legal
title to my original papers relating to my investiga-
tions into the ancestry and life of President Warren
G. Harding. Such references as may be made to me
as the source of information concerning facts there-
in should be credited as authentic.

PUBLISHER'S PREFACE

"The whole destiny of the world falls on President
Harding's leadership; the fate of white civilization
hangs in the crisis."

This is the startling assertion of Sir Philip Gibbs,
the 'distinguished war correspondent, in a recent analy-
sis of world conditions.

The very thought bids us pause. Undoubtedly the
times are out of joint and a blind, selfish or false lead-
ership will be calamitous indeed.

It is proposed to discuss the inherited and acquired
traits of President Harding and those of some of his
intimate advisers that the reader may know as he
should be advised as to the kind of leadership that is
now directing our destiny. Our story is also as an
exoneration and vindication of Professor William Esta-
brook Chancellor upon whose investigations and writ-
ings the facts herein stated are based as is also much
of the form of statement.

After reading these pages let the hesitant reader
consider that selfish fear has closed the lips of many
who, with Professor Chancellor, investigated and know
the fadts of the President's ancestry. It should not be
forgotten that the tradition charging fusion of races is
over one hundred years old and that legal proof of the
existence of such tradition is over seventy years old
and was presented as evidence in the Butler murder
case in the courts of Morrow, President Harding's
native county, by one of the most distinguished Re-
publican lawyers and leaders in the history of Ohio,
Columbus Delano, who was Secretary of the Interior
under President Grant. Living witnesses also are to
be found who testify as to the tradition. But why in-

7

s

deed hesitate when living witnesses will testify, as
they have done, that they have heard the father of the
President admit he is not of pure white blood. Most
of all, let the reader remember that only scientific
measurements and study of mental characteristics will
be conclusive in these matters. All other testimony
must be questioned in motives — of pride, prejudice or
expediency. The challenge is here made to submit the
Harding case to the test of exact science.

The most humiliating and fearful fact confronting
the reader is the attempt on the part of the friends of
the President and the Republican leaders through the
agents of the Postoffice Department and the personal
representative of H. IvI. Daugherty to suppress the pub-
lication of the facts by intimidating Professor Chancel-
lor by use of an alleged warrant which he was as-
sured would be quashed if ha would destroy his manu-
scripts on the Harding Biography.

Thus a man who has written the recognized work
dealing exclusively with the lives of the Presidents,
which work includes an account of them all except
Woodrow Wilson, is now forbidden on principle of lese
majeste from revising his work on the Lives of the
Presidents. Why ?

The publisher has many reliable reasons for believ-
ing that the Republican leaders know that the state-
ments of Professor Chancellor and others concerning
the ancestry of the President are true and that the
activity at suppression is due to the fear that the party
will be rebuked at last for its imposition upon the
American people.

On March 30th, 1921, Carl D. Ruth, Washington
correspondent of the Cleveland News, owned by Dan
Hanna, in a message to that paper calls attention to
reprisals that were to be made against Democrats for
circulating scurrilous reports reflecting on the ances-

9

try of President Harding. This threat was repeated
in the same paper on three or more occasions as the de-
termined policy of Senator Willis, of Ohio.

Evidently the plan was abandoned after wise reflec-
tion for at a later date the same Carl D. Ruth sent a
message advising the News readers that the whole plan
had been changed.

On March 9th, another Washington correspondent,
Charles E. Morris, former private secretary of Gov-
ernor James M. Cox, in a message to the Dayton News
writes: "Since conferences here between Governor
Myron T. Herrick, Howard Mannington, President
Harding, former President William Howard Taft, Wal-
ter F. Brown, and others, there has been an abandon-
ment of the policy of making vicarious sacrifices of a
few Democratic office holders in Ohio — postmasters
and internal revenue collectors — who were to be given
the opportunity for immediate resignation in lieu of
the more embarrassing experience of being summarily
fired 'for having engaged in scurrilous propaganda'
during the campagn."

"Requests for resignations have been made, and
the requests may be met, but these particular charges
are not to be pressed, since it has become known that
the victims will fight back, and the fight may result
in exposures decidedly embarrassing to several men
now high in the councils of the party, members of the
official family, personal counsellors, and even men who
have in the past week figured in the gossip as
recipients of the highest favors the President has to
bestow. For a time it was assumed that the so-called
'offensive propaganda' had its origin in Democratic
sources, but only a little investigation was necessary
to show that before the general campaign it had been
kindled to a glowing heat in the pre-primary campaign
in Ohio by the sponsors for the candidacy of General

10

Leonard Wood, and that prior to that it had been
agitated by men who for various reasons opposed Mr.
Harding in the primary, and who now are accepted as
his closest poh'tical friends." * * * "President Harding
himself is disposed to forgive and forget and has
frankly expressed his desire to let the animosities of
campaign end with the contest. It is said that Judge
Taft, Myron T. Herrick, Walter F. Brown, Attorney
General Harry M. Daugherty and Howard Mannington
counsel this course."

THE EDITOR.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I
Introduction

CHAPTER H

. William Estabrook Chancellor

CHAPTER HI

The Issues of This Book

CHAPTER IV
The Negro Question

CHAPTER V
He Looks Like a President

CHAPTER VI
The Plutocracy

CHAPTER VII

The American Government and Plutocracy

CHAPTER VIII
Fake Biographies of Harding

CHAPTER IX
Races of Mankind

CHAPTER X

What Is a Cabinet?

CHAPTER XI

Ohio Political History

11

12

CHAPTER XII
Presidential History

CHAPTER XIII
Hamon and Harding

CHAPTER XIV

The Election Made to Order

CHAPTER XV
Letters to Divers People On Pertinent Subjects

CHAPTER XVI
The Constitution and the President

CHAPTER XVII

The Genealogy as Approved by the Family of
Warren Gamaliel Harding

CHAPTER XVIII
Prof. Chancellor and the People

CHAPTER XIX

The League of Nations and the Coming Wars

CHAPTER XX

The Government of the District of Columbia

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

The administration of President Warren Harding
has now proceeded several months, and we can see, and
according to our lights understand, what the policies
are to be, for there are no principles anywhere in it.

Already Harding has done several things that ulti-
mate history will regret.

FIRST, he has broken the heart of the world by set-
ting aside the League of Nations and the machinery
for permanent world peace. In doing this, he has
broken his promises to millions of persons who in good
faith believed in him. It is true that he could not keep
faith both with Johnson and with Taft; he has chosen
rather to go with Johnson, Borah and Knox than with
Lodge, Taft and Root. It is a melancholy decision,
based entirely on immediate expediency. He needs
the irreconcilable bitter-enders and is more afraid of
them than the reservationists. He has failed to un-
derstand the dream of Dante, Rousseau and Wilson,
not to say of Isaiah and Jesus Christ.

SECOND, he has broken the hearts of the colored
people of America, who were told explicitly by the Re-
publicans that Harding has negro blood and would re-
member the negroes in his appointments. He has been
ashamed of this element in his blood, ashamed of his
own great-grandmother, Elizabeth Madison, so-called,
and of the negroes that contributed their blood to his
great-grandfather, George Tyrone (or Tyron) Harding.

There are at least fifteen million negroes in this
country and it is a safe guess that, hereafter, some of

15

16

them will be Democrats. He has appointed so far but
one person to any office of importance who has any
discoverable negro blood ; which is no better than other
Republicans have done before him.

THIRD, he has shown by his messages and his let-
ters to societies and to individuals that the Presidency
has fallen into ignorant hands, that he cannot write
English that is understandable, that the American poli-
tical system is so rotten as to permit the election by an
enormous majority of a person not competent to speak
authoritatively upon public questions. His mental
furniture, too, is that of a school boy. Europe and Asia
now have us in contempt.

FOURTH, his Cabinet is shown already to be a clut-
ter of unrelated and discordant minds, such as can-
not be brought together into any system of states-
manship. Habitually all things to all men, his cabinet
mirrors hmself. Not one man yet in the Cabinet, which
was supposed to be the acme of all in American history,
a Cabinet of multimillionaires, has disclosed the leader-
ship necessary to help our domestic situation. Except
as Daugherty or Mellon deal with Penrose and Smoot
the Cabinet will have no influence whatever upon the
processes of the Senate or of the House because the
President himself carries no weight there and never
did carry weight, and because the same is true of A. B.
Fall, which is fortunate because Fall is committed to
the policy of armed intervention in Mexico. Hughes
carries no weight because he is disliked and because he
lost the Presidential campaign of 1916 through blun-
dering. This involved permanent alienation from Sen-
ator Johnson. Most of the Senators are indifferent to
Cabinet Secretaries; it is a strange man who would
not prefer a Senatorship to a Cabinet position. To the
Senate, even Hoover is of no importance; a Cabinet
Secretary lives in the sunshine or dies in the shadow

17

of his Master, the President. Any elective office where
there is no recall is better than almost any appointive
office ; among the few exceptions being Federal Judge-
ships.

FIFTH, he has continued to pose as a common man,
anxious to please the common people by a variety of
poses. But even the common people do not care for
that sort of thing. The common people like to think
that the President is a superior man ; they like to feel
that he has leisure and sport and wealth enough and
lives above the common life. The common people do
not like a man who tries to please them. Egg-rolling
on the White House lawn, playing golf on the Potomac
flat public course, opening the White House front lawn
to the run of everyone, professing to wish to keep open
house and see anyone who wishes an interview, writing
letters to every society that sends an invitation and
saying how sorry he is that he cannot attend, and all
such doings and sayings, Harmless enough in them-
selves, in the end contrary to the Harding fancy, do not
"get" him anywhere; they are all of no importance.
What the common people want is prosperity; they de-
sire a propitious President, one who brings to them an
era of plenty of work for good wages or fair profits
from farm or trade. This alone counts with them. And
when they see him trying to make himself popular
otherwise, they laugh at him.

SIXTH, he has started to make appointments to
foreign lands that show him, expose him as a dealer in
offices, a political debt payer, not a single-minded
patriot thinking first, last and only of America.

Already Harvey in his speech before the Pilgrim
Club has offended the patriotic sense of his own party
associates.

He does not understand the morality of a man like
Rutherford B. Hayes, who upon becoming President

18

said : "Now I have no friends. I will appoint only the
best men available." Instead of taking this, the only
patriotic and honorable position, Warren Harding is
paying his political debts at the expense of Arr-^rica,
which is corruption at its worst. Open bribery, the
direct sale of offices, is less dangerous than the course
now being pursued. Daugherty has made him what he
is, and, therefore, he names this low-grade man Attor-
ney General of the United States, to occupy a place of
very great personal power. The Department of Justice
ought to be sacred from the presence of any such man,
who is not fit to be even a clerk in it, or janitor of the
rooms at K and loth Streets, N. W. Harvey goes to
England in payment for his services, for his bertayal
of Wilson, for his leaving the Democratic party, and for
revenge in becoming a Republican — a vile course. Har-
vey is the man who printed in his WEEKLY a sacri-
legious cartoon against the League of Nations. He also
is a man of low-grade mind and obviously low-grade
character. Herrick, who is mentally a better man, is
morally lower than Harvey; he is in politics for the
same reason that he is in banking and journalism, to
make money and to get power. Herrick goes to France
whether the French really like him or not. D. R. Cris-
singer, who sold out also, as did Harvey, is already
Controller of the Currency, in a position that should
be filled by a high-grade financial and economic ex-
pert. He has recently relieved the National Banks
from serious responsibilities. They now can report
general figures — to fool the people. Father Dennison
has gone to Rome to be consul. This is an insult to the
Italian Government which is constantly in war with
the alleged right of the Roman Catholic Church to tem-
poral power. Now the Pope has a right-hand man in
the American consulate. To the Catholics, this is one
of the most important positions in our Government.

19

Yet Harding attacked Cox for having a Catholic son-in-
law.

These are the worst cases ; others might be cited —
like that of George W. Aldridge, made collector of the
Port of New York, one of the lowest New York State
politcians and a shameless corruptionist. Why? Be-
cause at the Republican National Convention he voted
on every ballot for Warren Harding and used Hamon
money finally to win all the other New York delegates
(46). Why has Harding done these things? Because
he has no moral life himself, because he cannot see
straight. The Presidency to him is a chance to reward
his friends and to punish his enemies. We state these
matters in the beginning to afford the readers of this
book material for the consideration of the causes why
Harding is what he is and is doing such things.

CHAPTER II

WILLIAM ESTABROOK CHANCELLOR

Who is this man?

He is a native of Dayton, as was his mother before
him ; his father was born at New Carlisle. His grand-
father Chancellor was born on the Wilderness trail in
1797. His grandfather Estabrook founded Brookville,
near Dayton, and the linseed oil business of the Miami
Valley.

He went to school in Dayton until twelve years
old. Then he was educated in Northampton, Mass.,
Worcester, Mass., Harvard Law School, New York Uni-
versity, and spent a year in Europe. He took more
prizes than any other man ever graduated from Am-
herst in the 101 years of its history to date, and was
class orator. He was also President of the College Re-
publican Club. He followed Roosevelt out of the Re-
publican party in 1912, but became a Democrat then.
He is the author of 38 different books, four on educa-
tion, six on history, etc.

For sixteen years he was city school superintendent,
part of the time in Washington as the head of c ■'• the
schools, colored and white; he was also cliairman of
the District of Columbia Architectural Commission.

He founded the Teachers' College of George Wash-
ington University, and the Education Department of
Johns Hopkins University.

He wrote and worked through the Legislature the
teachers' pension laws of New Jersey.

The Ohio School Code is based upon the outline
of one of his educational works.

For twelve years he was officially connected with

29

21

the College of Wooster, for over six of them being head
of the Department of Economics and Politics.

He was a member of the New York Press Club for
many years, and had written many long paid articles
for the New York Times, the New York Tribune, the
Cleveland Plain Dealer, and other papers. As an
economist, few men had equal standing in the world of
journalism. He was a Wayne County delegate to the
Ohio State Democratic Convention in 1916, 1918, and
in 1920. He was Ohio Presidential Elector in 1916. He
was a member of the City Council of Wooster, being
elected in a Republican ward in 1919. He was the
chairman of the Wayne County Four-Minute Men dur-
ing the war. So impartial and fair was he in reputa-
tion that no less than six Ohio cities had him deliver
the Roosevelt memorial funeral oration. This occurred
before the William McKinley Club in Canton.

He has given paid public addresses in many differ-
ent states upon over 4500 occasions.

He married a niece of Henry Ward Beecher. He
has been a Presbyterian by church membership since
187F At. vvooster College, he had the men's junior and
senirr Bible class. Because he would not sign a lie as
to his belief, he was ousted contrary to all the college
statutes and since then has been forced to leave the
country for parts unknown.

Can the Republican plutocracy destroy this man?
We think not.

CHAPTER III
THE ISSUES OF THIS BOOK

FIRST ISSUE

There is a race consciousness that becomes a class-
consciousness when the amount of traits of an indi-
vidual from one race is superior to that from the race
in which he prefers to remain as a member. There is
no disposition on the part of friends of Professor
Chancellor in publishing this book to insist that Warren
Harding is by race a negro. It is evident to all that
the man is mainly white. What we insist on is that the
race consciousness of the Hardings in Blooming Grove
caused them to remain negro; and that George Tyron
Harding II never thought of calling themselves white
until after the death of Amos Kling, father-in-law of
Warren. Warren and his brother and sisters were
reared and treated as colored people.

We agree that they have the right to ask to be con-
sidered white because racially they are mostly white;
but we deny that they have the right to assert the lie
that they have always been considered and have always
considered themselves white. We assert that the rest
of us have the right to ask whether they have had the
rearing of white men and women. We assert the right
of American neighbors of these Hardings to pass upon
their qualifications social and moral and intellectual to
he treated as all-white persons are. Pure white is not
colored and is the opposite of negro. It is something
that can not be claimed without being questioned.

The Republicans call it les majeste to raise the is-

22

23

sue ; but we raise it, not feeling as yet that the Syrian
notion of the apotheosis of the ruler, making him a god,
is unAmerican and improper in our democracy. We
notice that the Ohio laws and courts call it no slander
to speak of a man as a negro ; it is the truth when the
fact, and the truth cannot slander especially when so
used with the highest of human motives. If all men
are created equal, why this Republican rage at telling
the truth about their man in the White House ? A peo-
ple threatened by contamination of the blood ought to
care for the truth about its head men.

SECOND ISSUE

We raise also a less important issue. It is simply
whether or not the College of Wooster should be sup-
ported by public opinion in the violation of all its
statutes and the suppression of truth in academic
circles. A nation may recover from false notions, but
it can never recover from contamination of the blood.
Is it a false notion that a college professor who hap-
pens to be a Democrat has no rights ? If so, the College
of Wooster stands in a bad and lurid light before the
world.

Professor Chancellor is an historian. As such he
looked into the record of Warren Harding, but made
no statement. By design or accident, a man with the
first and last name, who is black and sixty-five years
old, born and reared among the Hardings, had his name
printed on millions of sheets of tissue paper and sent
broadcast over the country with a title attached thereto
that made ignorant persons think that Wilham Esta-
brook Chancellor was the author of these slips. William
Chancellor was a Republican and trying to help Hard-
ing.

First the Republicans sent telegrams to Professor

24

Chancellor asking him to deny that he had made an
investigation into Harding. This he declined to do.
He said nothing for weeks.

Then they sent to him and offered him ten thousand
dollars to make a denial. This he refused. Then they
went out and reported that he v/as in the pay of the
Democrats. Even this did not smoke him out. He
rAood pat and silent.

Every day through even the summer vacation Pro-
fessor Chancellor either taught the summer classes or
gave teacher's institute lectures or taught in the regu-
lar autumn term ; but the Republicans charged that he
was out spreading these tissue paper slips. He knew
nothing as to who v/as doing this. They made him,
like God, present everywhere.

But on about October 10th, the Republicans pre-
pared an attack upon Professor Chancellor and filed an
indemnity bond of $500,000 with the newspaper as-
sociation in Chicago to protect themselves against any
libel suit by Professor Chancellor.

On October 25th, they paid, in Columbus, in cash
$500,000 in care of a certain well-known woman, a cer-
tified check of a well-known Chicago millionaire to pay
for the publishing of these articles throughout the
country.

This millionaire is the husband of a woman whose
father's memory, City School Superintendent Chancel-
lor, when in Washington by order of the President,
Theodore Roosevelt, had insulted by removing his mis-
tress from the schools, and who is otherwise tied up
with a Washington real estate group whom Professor
Chancellor had angered by refusing to play their hands
when on the District Architectural Commission.

These articles stated that, on October 28th, Pro-
fessor Chancellor had been ousted from his chair by
the College Trustees for libelling Warren Harding;

25

v/hich shows that the spirit of prophecy rested upon
the Chicago millionaire. This money was paid to those
papers otherwise not willing to print them.

On October 28th, per order of the Republican
National CommJttee, the Trustees m.et at Wooster, At
4 o'clock they asked Professor Chancellor to come to
see them ; he did not know that they were even holding
a meeting. He had already, at the request of the then
dean of the faculty, signed a truthful statement that he
had circulated no papers whatever about Harding,
which in letter and spirit was the exact fact. But he
had been told by the dean that the paper was desired
solely for the Presbyterian Church at Kenton. The
dean also asked him to sign a statement that Warren
Harding was ALL WHITE. This THE PROFESSOR
declined to do for the professor of ethics in the College,
since it was a lie as to his belief. (The dean has now
resigned). There were present at this raid upon
Professor Chancellor, five Republican lawyers, not
members of the board, and one Republican National
Committeeman. There were absent seven members of
the Board of Trustees, including one Trustee who had
told Professor Chancellor that he had a perfect right to
make an historical investigation. (He was then making
a new edition of his book on the lives of the Presi-
dents) . This man had received no notice.

The President of the Board of Trustees began by
telling Professor Chancellor that he did not wish to
know the truth whether Warren Harding was white or
colored. What he wished was a denial by Chancellor
that Warren was colored. This denial Chancellor ab-
solutely refused to make.

The interview lasted fifteen minutes.

In the course of these fifteen minutes, Professor
Chancellor had perhaps three minutes to give his de-
nial. He offered to prove that only an illiterate negro

26

or some other such person could have conceived this
campaign. They refused to look at his written evidence
of misspellings, etc.

The meeting then adjourned, and the President of
the Board, with another member, went down to the
home of Professor Chancellor and then and there
agreed :

1. To allow him to disappear without any action
by the Board.

2. Not to publish anything against him.

3. He was not to do anything against the College.
Then the meeting reconvened, but the Republican

majority repudiated this agreement.

They called Warren Harding on the telephone and
asked him to deny that he had colored blood, but he re-
fused, saying that it would cost him the colored vote.

Then they wired to him, asking him again to deny
this, but he did not answer.

After a late session, the President of the Board of
Trustees persuaded them by a vote of 10 to 5 to repeal
the action making Professor Chancellor a full member
of the faculty for life ; and sent identical telegrams to
Judson C. Welliver, Will H. Hays and H. M. Daugherty,
explaining that they had ousted Chancellor after a full
hearing.

He then sent a telegram to the New York Press
Club advising the Club that Chancellor had confessed
libelling Harding. He lied and broke his promises,
both.

Now who is this President of the Board ?

He is pastor of the church where the Chicago mil-
lionaire worships when at home.

He was chaplain of the Republican National Con-
tion.

What was the agreement between the Professors
and the Trustees ?

27

1. That an accused professor shall have ninety days
to prepare his defense.

2. That he shall have the charges in writing.

3. That he shall have a hearing first before the
faculty, and Isecond before the Trustees with legal
counsel.

4. That if both faculty and Trustees agree, then he
may be discharged, but only with a full year's pay in
advance.

In this case Chancellor had no hearing at all; no
written charges; no time to prepare; no legal counsel,
and no salary. Later he was given a few hundred dol-
lars to move away. The faculty has never acted.

It was given out by members of the Trustee Board
that there were five charges against Chancellor, as fol-
lows, viz.:

1. He was a Democrat and as such has been elected
to the city council ; that this had given offense to many
patrons of the College.

2. That he had made speeches for the League of
Nations. He had done this by authority of the Presi-
dent of the College.

3. That he had written letters to others about Hard-
ing. One of these letters had been sent to the editor
of a religious paper owned by the same millionaire, but
by order of the President of the College who ad-
mitted it.

4. That he had built up a department so large as
to be irritating to other men on he faculty and was too
big a man to be employed by any college trustee board.
In exact language, the President of the Board of Trus-
tees said, "He is better known than all the College put
together."

5. That he had written a New York Times-Annalist
articles advocating the gold standard and attacking
bankers' paper currency as dishonest.

28

There were defenses to each of these propositions,
but they availed nothing except to hold five of the fif-
teen trustees in line to support Chancellor.

Professor Chancellor was ousted by ten men in a
Trustees Board of twenty-two members.

One of the men who voted against him at the next
meeting of the Trustees said that he had been grossly
deceived by the others ; but this availed nothing.

Such is academic freedom in a so-called Christian
college that does not wish to know the truth. God is
truth.

The friends of Professor Chancellor, handicapped
by being unable to get the records or even to consult
him, desire to have the American public look into this
Wooster College case.

Are the teachers of the youth, all of them, to be the
tools and slaves of these negro-loving plutocrats ?

CHAPTER IV
THE NEGRO QUESTION

What are the grounds for believing that Warren
Harding rightly classifies among colored people?

On what some regard as the "question" whether or
not Warren is a negro or a colored man, Americana
take one of many different positions.

1. Some do not care. The President might be a
Hottentot or a German from Berlin, and they would
not care. It is not a matter of any importance or even
of interest to them. They have other business to
which to attend. The Government is a thing apart.
It does not concern them who lives in the White House.
Presidents may come and go. The Presidency is a
kaleidoscope. University graduate or a negro school
attendant ; it is all one to them. Why worry ? We can
not change him, and the case might be worse than it is.

2. It is a good thing to try the experiment. Let's
all wait and see what the "nigger" will do ! "There are
fifteen million black and colored people in the country.
Every race has a right to be tried out. He may prove
to be a very desirable man. All races are equal with
us. Black, white, red, yellow, we are all Americans.
Back him up!

3. Some believe that government is bad, politics so
rotten, that since the end of the world is coming soon,
the worst that happens will only bring on the better
sooner. Every wicked move by politicians is only an
impulse toward the new day.

4. Some are interested and hesitant; they are dis-
appointed that such a choice has been made; but it

2^

80

might be worse. After all, a good negro is better than
a bad white man.

5. Some regard the charge, as they call it, as pure
invention of malicious politicians. It is not worth even
noticing.

6. Some admit that Warren was once considered
colored, but he has lived it down. He is not any longer
a negro roustabout but our foremost man. Race means
nothing when a fine specimen comes along.

7. Some think that even a little negro blood is un-
desirable, still with so much white blood, there is no
harm in the choice — an octoroon is really, after all, a
white man.

8. Some are horrified. The thing is too awful to even
think about. His election is an insult to the white
women of the South. He ought to be impeached; but
who can start it when the Senate and House are his
political friends? We must take to the woods and try
to survive. ', t..,

9. Some are anxious to know the truth, then they
will try to prevent the recurrence of this outrage to the
white race.

10. Many know the truth and are trying to get the
proofs. They believe that white supremacy is the
supremacy of patience and fair play.

On the negro question itself. North and South are
hopelessly divided, and the wonder is that America has
remained one nation. The South regards the black
man as an evil presence. The white man must keep
him under. While the blacks remain in the land, they
must be treated decently. No one should kill an un-
offending black or colored man or rob him of his goods
or wages ; but he should not vote. He should never be
allowed to mate with a white woman. He should live
in a separate segregated part of every city or of the
country-side. He may individually work as a servant

81

or field hand, but all endeavor on his part to rise even
to industrial equality should be frowned upon and when
possible, defeated. These people do not hesitate to
lynch an accused black or colored man on the same
hypothesis that causes them to kill a wild beast.

There is much to justify this position of the whites.

A thousand instances of cruelty of the genuine
blacks to one another might be cited. The black man
will not lift a hand to help another black man in trouble.
He will not work until driven by starvation to work.
He punishes his own children so severely that it is not
an unusual thing for a beaten child to die. He has no
sex-morals.

There is a case of a black man working as a porter
in a hotel who admitted that he had no less than
twenty-six wives in the course of his sex-affairs. In
one instance, he took a widow and her daughter both
and lived with them at the same time.

In the official genealogy of the Hardings, which is
included in the last chapter of the book, we have the
printed statement that old Amos had one child born to
one woman in November and another child born to an-
other woman in April.

Of course, white men have often been without sex-
morals. But the sex-looseness of the colored or black
man is almost universal. With the black and colored
women, the case is distinctly better; many being vir-
tuous according to white standards.

The people who do not know these facts are simply
ignorant of the negro problem.

Those who say that it is no worse for a black man
to mate with a white woman than for a white man to
mate with a black woman, are ignorant of a few very
plain facts of human anatomy and of negro lust.

Many white persons who do know the facts,
say because they believe that any black man known at

^2

any time to have sex-relations with a white woman,
should be forthwith legally killed by electrocution or
hanging, whether she consented or not.

It so happens that the charge against the Hardings
is that, being colored men, they took white women as
mates.

This is not a medical book, but we suggest that
those who wish to get the scientific facts ask medical
men who have knowledge of the negro anatomy and
physiology.

At a time when one person in every seven in the
population is black or colored, when they have con-
trolled one Presidential election, the people have the
right to know these facts.

There are leaders of Southern opinion who think
that every person with negro blood should be placed in
a part of the South where the whites shall be excluded.
They would set aside certain counties for blacks alone.

It is an unhappy fact that every human being de-
sires a mate superior to himself or herself. This is
the law of ascent. Colored women desire white men;
black women desire colored men. Black men are
"crazy" to get white women or colored women. There-
fore, we shall have lynchings, and we shall have them
until the whole population is all white or all black, for
race instinct is behind the sins and the lynchings. Such
is the antique fear of many Southerners.

The interest of Professor Chancellor in this, the
worst of all American problems, did not begin in 1920
with the Presidential campaign. It rested upon four
grounds.

1. He comes upon his father's side from old Vir-
ginia slave-holding families, the Warwicks, Madisons,
Marshalls, Servisses, Pogues, Boilings and Chancellors.

2. He studied race anthropology in Europe, and has
made many field studies in this country.

33

3. He was school superintendent in Washington,
having there in the negro department of the schools
19,000 colored children, 670 colored teachers, and 260
colored engineers and janitors.

4, He has been a college teacher and writer upon
these matters for many years.

When he heard that Harding had negro blood it
aroused his established scientific interest.

There appears to be easily separable in the United
States among the several hundred thousand negroes
of pure blood — about one-sixteenth of them all — no less
than fourteen negro "races," using the word in the
ethnological sense, so Professor Chancellor has written
to his friends.

There are also classed among the negroes, falsely,
groups of Malays, Berbers, Arabs and Moors. Even
pure Indians have been so grouped by action of di-
visive forces of public opinion and of social taboo.

These so-called negroes, fourteen races in all, are
Senegambians, Hottentots, Mosambiquians, Pigmies,
Sudanese, Kaffirs, Zulus, Gold Coast, Plateau, Ethio-
pians, Abyssinians, Congoese, Senegalians, and
domesticated negroes who for many centuries have
been made the slaves of Moors and urbanized.

The differences between these various races of
negroes are as great as those between the white races
of Europe, in culture and even in external appearance;
but they have one trait in common — long, naiTOw
heads. This has been discussed elsewhere.

To say that Warren Harding has negro blood is not
to assert that his ancestry is from the Senegambian
negroes, or from plantation field hands enslaved to
white masters.

Northern people who do not know many negroes,
have a concept of the negro ; according to this concept,
he is kinky-haired, pot-bellied, black as coal, with big

84

brown eyes, a prognatious jaw, flat feet, and long arms
and legs, the knees not standing straight.

There may be a few such negroes in the United
States, but they are very few.

Were the question about Harding in this form:
"Did his family rear him with the notion that he was
a colored boy to be a colored man?" there could be in
the light and truth of the opinion of the neighbors, a
thousand of them in Little Africa, meaning the three
counties, Crawford, Morrow and Marion, where the
thousands of Hardings live, just one answer, "Yes!"

Doctor George Tryon (Tyrone) Harding, father of
Warren, never would have considered himself any-
thing but a colored man until his death if Warren had
not married the rich banker's daughter. And Warren
with his brothers and sisters would have all so re-
garded themselves. They would have gone back and
forth to Blooming Grove and have shared the views of
their colored kinsmen, who are half of the population.

But fate had something else in store. It had in
store the effort of George T. Harding and of his chil-
dren to defeat the truth of social opinion.

But again the question about Harding is not
whether or not he was reared as a colored boy with
the training and notions of colored people; he has
escaped that social classification at last though not
without having left some bitter enemies in Marion,
where the better element never yet has had him in
their homes. Senator or President, though he be, he
will never again live in Marion. When he becomes ex-
President, he will go to some city where his past will
be ignored.

The actual question is, in the physical sense, has
Warren any negro blood? If so, what is the line of
proof ?

Socially, a man is what his neighbors report. He

35

has to take their classification or get out from among
them. When they call him a negro, it does no good
to sue them for slander ; they still think so.

In September and October, when Professor Chancel-
lor and newspaper correspondents and others by
scores went to Blooming Grove, New Caledonia, Iberia
and Steam Corners, no one of them ever found one man
or woman who denied that the Hardings were anything
but colored people. The Hardings themselves agreed
that they were so called by everyone.

Of course, after the tremendous furor over the mat-
ter, and especially after Professor Chancellor was
ousted from his position and after the rich Republi-
cans had gone among them with threats and with
money, the neighbors became silent — naturally. Many
ignorant persons now believe that President Harding
could put them in jail for telling the truth about him,
and so he could with Daugherty and the secret service
at his call.

But once that Harding ceases to be President, what
will then happen?

Give the neighborhood time to recover itself. Espe-
cally bitter are the darker negroes whom the Republi-
cans have failed to reward as promised. There will be
scores to settle that will make the old feud — as Hard-
ing calls it — mild indeed.

For Warren Harding himself says that "The peo-
ple have been calling his family and kin negroes for
eighty years." This was given out twice in a long in-
terview.

Curious how the falsehood has lasted ; but Harding
does not dare to pronounce it a lie ; he says that people
have a right to their opinions and that he is sorry
about their opinion.

Thousands of telegrams were sent to him from all
parts of the country asking him to deny the truth about

36

his ancestry; but he never has yet said that he has
no negro blood.

He deplores the discussion of the subject.

Is he afraid of the ghosts of his negro ancestors?
No man should ever deny his ancestors. That is like
denying God Himself. No man should be ashamed of
his forefathers. Some of them, perhaps a man who
was hanged, may have transmitted to him some trait
of exceeding value in his own life. It is easy to see
that at least a few of the traits of Warren that have
enabled him to "succeed" so well are negro traits.

What people call one does not make it so. All
Blooming Grove may be wrong on Warren and his
father, George T. Harding, and his grandfather,
Charles A. Harding, and his great-grandfather, George
T, Harding I, and the second wife, Elizabeth Madison,
so-called, who was black. She was Warren's great-
grandmother.

No Harding descended from this Elizabeth has ever
had the courage to tell who her parents were. No pic-
ture of her is acknowledged to exist.

Yet this is the fact:

George Tryon, or Tyrone, Harding born June 5, 1790.

Married Ann Roberts, 1812.

Ann died in 1815.

Married Elizabeth Madsion, 1816.

Elizabeth died Jan. 6, 1869.

The children were Huldah and Phoeba Ann.

The children of Elizabeth were Oliver Perry,
Charles Amos (or Alexander), Miranda.

No persons with ears can doubt for one moment
what Elizabeth was; she is well remembered by eight
old persons still living as late as October, 1920, in
Blooming Grove and near by. One and all say that
Elizabeth was black. One woman, past ninety, said
that "she had eyes black as night." She was so dark

87

that she frightened white children of her neighbors.

Possibly se was a Moor? A Blackmoor? Or a very-
dark Scottish woman, say of the black Picts?

Country neighbors are not experts in such matters.
Her son, the grandfather of Warren, lived till past
1880; he also is well remembered and there are pictures
enough of him.

He had curly, kinky hair, and a swart complexion, and
a wide, big body, and great nostrils. Also, he left a
lot of children.

Professor Chancellor offered to take the Dean of
the College of Wooster, at his own expense, to Bloom-
ing Grove and show these brothers, sisters and cousins
bom of Charles A. Harding and of his brother, Oliver
Perry Harding, to the Dean in order to show the living
proofs. But the Dean preferred to publish his state-
ment that he had circulated nothing on the subject and
let the country believe that Chancellor had "retracted"
what he denied having done. Dean Elias Compton
teaches ethics in the college, and was Dean then.
Exigencies of politics require flexible ethics.

There are five of these descendants of Elizabeth in
Blooming Grove and nearby. One of them is Mrs. J. C.
She is a fine old dark colored woman, who never has
offended any one; she is a good woman. She allowed
Professor Chancellor to take six pictures of herself, for
which courtesy he has refrained from printing them.
She has a large heavy body, big brown eyes, very dark
skin, and is typical mulatto. She had her pictures
taken with her Bible under her arm, and that warded
off evil spirits.

She is not a Moor, or an Arab; she is a dear old
colored mammy, very dark.

In a letter to one of his friends. Professor Chancel-
lor said that he could not bring himself to using those
pictures, because she was so much like the old colored

88

\voman who had always lived in his family, helping
bring up the children.

One preacher asked him why he objected to having
a colored President. "Do not these colored people go
to Heaven?" He replied: "No doubt of it; but what
has that to do with their intellectual fitness to bear
sons to go to the White House? Not every Saint is
fit to rule a nation."

There are four others, all of them darkies. Their
names, like hers, might be given, but they live in
Blooming Grove and Gallon and can be seen at any
time. One of them, smaller, is equally dark. All of
them are plainly negro.

Such are the nearest living relatives of Warren
Harding in that generation.

Let us proceed to the court records.
In 1849 one David Butler killed Amos Smith in this
manner.

Butler and Smith were blacksmith partners at
Blooming Grove. Butler's wife was a Harding woman.
She owed some money to Smith's wife — fifty cents.
Like negro women, she was thriftless. One afternoon
as they were closing the shop. Smith asked Butler to
ask his wife to pay the money to Mrs. Smith. Butler
replied that his wife denied that she owed any money
to Mrs. Smith. Thereupon Smith told Butler that he
had a nigger for a wife. Butler replied by throwing a
piece of iron at Smith — a piece about an inch square
and ten inches long. This iron hit Smith on the side
of his head, and down he went. Butler immediately
ran to him and picked him up and carried him into a
house nearby.

They sent for a doctor who treated the skull frac-
ture. A few days later fever developed and the doctor
bled him, the same doctor who afterwards taught

89

George Tryon Harding all the medicine he ever knew.
A fortnight later Smith died.

In 1850 the grand jury of Morrow county, which
had just been created out of Crawford county in the
wilderness, indicted Butler for manslaughter, and he
was tried.

The defense was:

1. He was justified in killing Smith because his
wife was not a negro woman.

2. Smith died of malpractice.

3. He had no malice, because he immediately tried
to re^''"^^ Smith. It was only a hot instant of wrath
betv een friends. He was a man of good character.

The prosecuting attorney was a famous lawyer,
namx ;d Columbus Delano. We have sent men to a dozen
statss to find the copious notes that Delano kept of
this trial.

We saw at Mt. Gilead the original brief records of
the indictment and steps in the course of the trial
which was in the court seven years. In the midst of
the search of this record the investigator was con-
fronted by a low-browed, square- jawed heckler whose
only business apparently was to maintain the curtain
of darkness over the skeletons of family history just
as the same investigator found another busy guardian
had extracted the pardon papers in the same Butler
case from the files at the State House at Columbus,
but fortunately too late to prevent photographic copies
being made of the papers by the man who beat the
vandal on the job. There was intense neighborhood
feeling aroused, mostly against Butler. On this the
Hardings countered as best they could.

The jury found:

1. That it was not slander to call Mrs. Butler a
negro, since the Hardings were always so called. But
even if untrue it was no justification for the act.

40

2. That Smith died of the fracture, not of the bleed-
ing by the doctor.

3. That he was of good character and recom-
mended mercy.

Butler was sentenced to the penetentiary for five
years.

After two years he was pnrdoned by the Governor
on a petition presented by the Harding relatives.

Two other killings have been charged to the same
feud. The country people decline to take the Hardings
as all-white. When they try to escape from this social
classification, quarrels result.

As we have shown elsewhere, contrary to the sup-
position of our kind New England and other far-away
Northern friends, it is NOT the presumption in Bloom-
ing Grove that every child is white until the opposite
is proven. Blooming Grove is a Fugitive Slave district.
More than half the people have colored blood. The pre-
sumption is that there is colored blood somewhere in
the ancestry. This is not charged as a crime, but as a
fact. There is nothing "bar sinister" about it. Warren
Harding is not a white man's illegitimate son nor was
his father before him. We are not engaged in slander
and libel but in science.

If Warren Harding turns out "to be the best Presi-
dent since Lincoln, engaged skilfully in cleaning up the
awfulness left by the Democrats and by the miserable
internationalist and invalid Woodrow Wilson," as the
Republicans say, then we should, all of us, seek to
marry our sons to colored girls; though, of course, not
our girls to colored men. The Dickersons have told us
they were horribly shocked at what their daughter did.
Nevertheless, if Warren proves to be a very great man,
we may have to come to just this.

When the report M^ent out through the country that
Warren Harding has negro blood, the city editor of the

, , - ^^

Republican POST INTELLIGENCER turned to his
most experienced of reporters and said, "There is a
niece of Warren Harding living here in Seattle: I don't
know who she is or where she lives; take the photog-
rapher and find her ; we will print her picture and show
up the 'bughouse' professor out there in Ohio."

The city editor did not know that his information
came from William Chancellor, colored, aged sixty-five,
a Republican trying to get votes for his friend.

It took the reporter two days to find the woman.
He brought back the photographer and had the pic-
tures developed, but he refused to write any story, and
the city editor was wroth within him. In an hour or
so the developed plates came down from the sky room.

The city editor looked at them and he told the vet-
eran reporter this: "That college professor out in
Ohio is not so bughouse after all."

And the veteran reporter told this to the people of
Seattle after the election !

But the people have not yet seen the pictures of the
niece of Warren.

When Professor Chancellor was city school super-
intendent of Washington, Senator Joseph B. Foraker
took very great interest in the colored people. He sent
a letter of introduction for a woman to Professor Chan-
cellor asking the appointment of the woman to a posi-
tion in the schools, saying that she was a quadroon
and desired to go into the colored schools.

She was a sister of Warren Harding.

Later she became a policewoman in Washington,
where she served until Warren was chosen President.

In October, 1920, she was living in a colored board-
ing house with a colored landlady.

She is now in the soldiers' reconstruction work, and
passes for white ; that is, she tries to do so.

Would a white man allow a sister to be a police-

42

woman in Washington when he was United States
Senator? We think not. Warren allowed his sister to
do this dangerous and vile work — in Washington, one
of the foulest cities on earth in sex-morals.

This sister is a far abler and better person morally
than her brother in the White House.

We are not making war on women ; if we were, we
could tell much more.

It is, however, the black sheep of this family who
has risen to the top, where Daugherty can be regent
over him and President in fact

The husband of this sister of Warren's has never
supported her, and told various persons that there were
obvious reasons why he desired no children by her;
they are childless by intention, he says. They do not
keep house together as he is a white man, of French
descent, the reasons are obvious enough. But he is low
enough himself morally to bask in the sunshine of the
favor of the President and get money through him.

It is painful to observe that Warren Harding and
the Duchess do not invite these neighbor kinsfolk to
the White House and introduce them to their friends.

The masquerader there is playing a very difficult
role.

Warren Harding has alive now one father, ONE
BROTHER, SIX SISTERS, and some thousand other
kinsfolk descended from his own great-grandfather,
Amos Harding, the man who had the two women at the
same time bearing him children.

Why are they not often, many of them at a time,
in the White House?

Several of them are very rich. One is a Chicago
millionaire, C. E. Harding. Another has a fine store
in Salt Lake City. His own brother is a physician in
Columbus, Ohio.

Are they ashamed of him, or is he ashamed of

43

them; or are they all afraid of the CUMULATIVE
EVIDENCE when viewed together?

On Thanksgiving D?y, 1920, after election, Warren
gave a dinner party to six men belonging to the Re-
publican Associated Press. No women were present
except the "Duchess." But old George Tryon Harding
sat alone in a restaurant in a town famous among
traveling men for its lov/-class eating places, and ate
his dinner alone, the father of the President-elect. Was
this the way a white man would have treated his di-
vorced father, living in comparative need?

Why are these thousand kinsfolk alienated from
this man in the White House ?

Would the kinsfolk of a white man there be so
afraid to exhibit their interest in him?

When William Henry Harrison was President,
thirty-five of his kinfolk lived with him in the White
House.

Zachary Taylor filled it with sons, daughters,
cousins, aunts.

Jefferson made it a boarding house for kin and
friends — free board.

Roosevelt kept a lot of guests going and coming,
proud to have them all.

But there is a pall upon the White House now ; it is
not the pall of negro blood, but something worse ; it is
the pall of fear of exposure. Open, frank, honest ad-
mission long ago would have cleared the atmsophere;
but Warren and Fall and Daugherty and the Duchess
?nd Hays must play the game as it is. They dealt
themselves this hand.

CHAPTER V

'HE LOOKS LIKE A PRESIDENT'

When Warren Gamaliel Bancroft Harding — for such
is his name, if it is not really Warren Gamaliel Winni-
peg Bancroft Harding, as his father first said in the
Presidential campaign — first came before the country
as the Republican candidate, the Republican proponents
of this singular human phenomenon, a mestizo in
American big politics, started a

BATTLE CRY
"Warren looks like a President."

This did catch the people.

What is it to "look like a President?"

There were the big men physically, viz.:

Weight Height Party

George Washington 200 6 ft. 2 in. None

Thomas Jefferson 170 6 ft. 1 in. Democrat

William Henry Harrison _..170 6 ft. 2 in. Whig

Zachary Taylor 225 6 ft. in. Democrat

James Buchanan 180 6 ft. in. Democrat

Millard Fillmore 200 6 ft. 4 in. Democrat

Abraham Lincoln 165 6 ft. 4 in. Republican

Grover Cleveland 275 6 ft. in. Democrat

William Howard Taft 325 6 ft. 2 in. Republican

Woodrow Wilson 180 6 ft. 1 in. Democrat

It does not appear that there has been any
monopoly of big men, physically considered, by the
Whig-Republicans.

Nor does it appear that only big men have made
good Presidents. The following were relatively small
men, viz.:

44

45

Madison, Jackson, Van Buren, B. Harrison, McKin-
ley. Roosevelt was a heavy man but only 5 feet 9
inches in stature. He weighed 225 pounds most of the
time he was President, but most of his life he was un-
der 200 pounds.

Warren Harding is 6 feet tall and weighs over 200
pounds. He has a large face and long narrow head : no
other President looked like him. He has, it is said,
dignity. So had, in a very marked degree, James
Buchanan.

Is the requisite posture, tall, upstanding, eyes to
the front, searching, self-reliant pose? Warren has it
not. He does not stand well. He never looks anyone
in the eye.

It is said by his admirers that he has "a beetling,
craggy brow v/ith deep-set eyes." Then he is compared
with Black Dan Webster. But Black Dan had eyes on
fire, black and alive, very wonderful eyes. He made
all his great speeches without notes. He had the divine
fire, no doubt. Put the two heads side by side in the
front and sideways both, and see not resemblance, but
the eternal differences. Black Dan was a Black Pict,
straight from the purest blood of Scotland, and had
brains that matched. The obscure gray eyes of Warren
Harding contradict the craggy brow. Still people keep
his face on view in their parlor windows even now ; he
saved the Republican party from defeat ; he kept it to-
gether. The party was more important than the nation
and the world.

Warren Harding is big; he is wide with a curved
back; and with long prehensile weak hands but with
heavy arms. His underpinning is frail relatively. He
has a posture exactly the opposite of that of a well-
trained soldier. Besides John J. Pershing, who is every
inch a soldier, or Leonard Wood, he is a slouching
civilian.

46

This brings up the question that was raised im-
mediately after his election by his announcement in the
press that he had ordered many suitable garments for
his work as President. Afterwards he denied that he
had ordered so many ; the managers told him to do this.
He had an idea that clothing makes a difference in
Presidents.

George Washington loved good clothes. But Abra-
ham Lincoln did not. Washington was born to good
clothes. Theodore Roosevelt, who was by far the rich-
est of the Presidents, had a great variety of attire, but
he preferred his outing clothes to any other, and old
clohes at that.

Jackson dressed well when on parade — otherwise
he dressed in the plainest way — in old clothes.

Jefferson had no interest at all in clothes.

The man who thinks first of how to dress in a new
office has something the matter with his mind. He
sees the externalities of his functions. Arthur was af-
flicted with a passion for good clothes. So was Kaiser
Wilhelm II.

Beginning at fifty-two years of age in order to
fight arterio-sclerosis by advice of sanitarium
physicians, Warren Harding took up golf ; he can make
a very long drive. His score being usually about 95,
In other words, he is not a natural athlete ; he does not
ride horses, though brought up in the country ; he does
not swim or play tennis ; or take long walks. He does
not dance; he never has boxed or wrestled; he did not
play baseball or football; of course, he never had the
athletic training of college.

Like every other man, he is entitled to every ounce
of credit that he can weigh in. What is this ?

Roosevelt, Taft and Wilson drank no alcoholic stim-
ulants and smoked and chew no tobacco. McKinley
smoked tobacco. Harding uses tobacco in every form,

47

including even cigarettes, and, of course, he drinks.

The Anti-Cigarette League published a cartoon
showing him caught in eight different poses smoking
cigarettes. Since that time he has been careful not to
be snapped with even a cigar in his mouth. He is very
shrewd in such matters.

Experts in heredity have discovered a very import-
ant law ; that a hybrid tends to slough off as he grows
older the traits of the shorter-lived races that have en-
tered into his making. This law is working for Warren-
The negro is a short-lived race. That blood is dying in
him. The question is whether if he lives to be a hun-
dred years old, his Dutch or his Indian ancestry will
win the mastery ; both races are long-lived. To those
who survive him the matter is worth following up.

The Indian has the trait of seeming to think hard
for a long, long time ; he requires a very long time to
"make up his mind." His decisions in ages past have
generally been far from wise ; but he has acquired the
reputation for being very wise all the same. Truth is
that there is no rule about this matter; some men
decide quickly, and are geniuses because they decide so
many issues well. Few Indans have shown genius.

The Dutch have taken much time to decide and
have generally decided wisely; but few Dutchmen are
geniuses.

The long thinker is usually dull and stupid. If
while he is thinking, he is getting new facts, then he
does well to take time. Otherwise, long deliberation
is stupidity or senility.

Before he became President, even in the campaign,
in order to get votes, but sincerely, he told everyone
that he intended to "keep the doors of the White House
open for anyone to come and see him ;" this has a beau-
tiful sound. But no sooner had he come to the White
House than like every olher man since Jefferson he

48 ■'

found that the American people are too many for one
man. He has had to make appointments and not many
a day at that. He spoke derisively of the plan of
Woodrow Wilson before his illness to allot two hours
a day to callers, and just so many minutes to each
caller, never over fifteen. On this basis he saw ten or
twenty a day. But why not keep the doors of the
executive offices always open?

Totally inexperienced in such executive work, never
having managed even "THE STAR," Warren Harding
was unaware that a President has from 300 to 1000
pieces of mail each day; that he is always getting
resignations and making appointments to office; that
he must read and sign no end of documents of all kinds.
The clerical work is enormous.

Even in his convalescence, Woodrow Wilson spent
four hours a day in merely signing necessary state
papers, and did other work a few minutes at a time.
Thanks to his wife and good medical care, he survived.

There is no way of turning this work off upon the
Cabinet Secretaries; they are clerks by law and the
President is solely responsible. The Controller of the
Treasury must see the name of the President himself
upon thousands of documents before he allows the
Treasury to make any payment. It will take a change
in the Constitution itself to change this.

But what is the personality of the President? Why
is it that the Republicans are sendng out so many "pen
pictures" of the man? When the Wayne County dele-
gation of Republicans — Ohio — 300 strong, came back
from Marion in the Presidential campaign, they were
strangely silent. The people asked them to tell what
Warren was like and they flunked out on this ques-
tion. What is he like?

In his early days he applied for admission to a cer-
tain secret society ; and he failed in three lodges. Then

49

he was admitted to one for one degree only. He was
blocked for all others until after he was elected Presi-
dent. What is the personality of such a man ?

The many "pen portraits" are due to the fact that
he is an enigma to all those who do not understand a
very simple fact ; a mirror flat in the sunlight reflects
all the sky and clouds ; and it very closely resembles
deep blue water. Jump in and what happens?

This is the trouble with Warren. A very great man,
a candidate against him for the Republican nomination,
went from New York to see him in an interview ; after
the interview he had nothing to say about Warren.
He was baffled, as every other intelligent man is.

Warren Harding has no progi'am ; he has no depth ;
he reflects what is near him that appeals to a very few
primitive instincts. He is genial enough; and, in a
light way, affable; but how can a man who has never
studied American history or government beyond the
elementary school books converse on politics and juris-
prudence and economics with a University President?
He can seem to listen. As his pastor, Reverend Doctor
McAfee, says in an interview in the New York World,
he is an "eloquent listener."

Before proceeding, we have a word to say about
this same C. F. McAfee. He is a Baptist who went to
Marion to the church where Harding goes occasionally,
just five years ago ; that is, in 1913, when Harding was
United States Senator. Being a preacher, he looks
professionally for the good in men, and for nothing
else. He knows nothing of the past of this man. He
has no familiarity with his Washington life. Because
Warren pays his church dues, or rather Mrs. Warren,
he regards him as a useful church member, though ad-
mitting that he is never at prayer meeting, has no
Bible class, and makes no personal contribution to the
Christian World, Warren is a devout Christian, and

50

three daj^s afterwards he had a stroke of paralysis.
This is not cause-and-effect, but it shows the mental
and physical instability of the man who is cited as
authoritj^ for the fine Christianity of Warren Harding-.

Of course, being a Baptist, he wished Warren to
win. Even preachers are human.

But to go back to the question. It is "incredible"
that a man who has so little mental life should have
been Lieutenant Governor and United States Senator.
Yet exactly this has happened. Those who are familiar
with colleges knovv^ that the college president is often
a distinctly confused and ignorant man ; that is what
the trustees desire in order to manage the college
through a dummy. It even happens in business that a
big man in the concern is confused and ignorant.

Warren Harding is very ignorant. He has asked
many times — What is an association of nations? He
knows no geography outside of the United States, and
he knows this but little, as is shown by his going to
Point Isabel in P'ebruary.

He knows no Latin and no foreign language; he
knows only English words, and not even English gram-
mar and rhetoric. He did nothing in business as an
accountant.

But a man may be both ignorant and confused and
at the same time shrewd according to his ov^^n lights.
When he was nominated so suddenly, he turned to his
advisers and asked, "Is not this too premtiture?" He
knew that the convention had been brought up with
money, and he was afraid that Hiram Johnson, Wood
and Lowden would "blow up" on him, as they did not.

Only Nicholas Murray Butler "blew up," and he
apologized in order to save his Presidency of Columbia
University.

Hunger, lust, vanity — these are the dominant in-
stincts, together with a gaming passion, a love of play-

51

ing for good stakes. He is a born adventurer ; does this
show the truth of the story of the neighbors that his
great-grandfather, Amos Harding, was a pirate?
Warren is no open fighter; he prefers to get at the
backs of men, as the RepubHcan Convention proved.

We are very plain and direct here.

There have been several great public political crimes
by great parties in the history of the United States,
backed apparently by the people.

One was the Mexican War.

Another was the P^'ugitive Slave Act, together with
the infamous Dred Scott Decision which made Abra-
ham Lincoln President, because they permitted free
speech in those days and lese majeste did not rule as it
does today in our cowardly times. Stealing the Presi-
dency from Tilden was a crime in 1876-7.

But a far greater political crime, organized by a
great party, was the rejection of peace for the world
and the setting back of the clock of time for all hu-
manity a thousand years. The injury for the present
is irreparable.

Therefore, bad as Polk was, bad as Taney and
Buchanan were, politically bad as Hayes was, this
Warren Harding will go down into history, the history
of the world, as still worse. Perhaps a Harriet
Eeecher Stone and an Abraham Lincoln will arise to
show the whole deviltry up.

The private morals of Polk and Buchanan and
Hayes were spotless ; and the only sin of Taney was
that he had defended many smugglers of slaves when
a young lawyer. Even if the private morals had been
always what his pastor says he believes they have
been, this would not save him from the condemna-
tion of the just. Pilate appears to have been a very
good man in his private morals.

Big, lazy, slouching, confused, ignorant, affable,

52

yellow and cringing like a negro butler to the great,
such is the man who has been used by Lodge, Smoot,
Penrose, Knox, Harvey, Daugherty, to ruin Woodrow
Wilson for the time being and to crash the hopes of
mankind for world peace.

CHAPTER VI
THE PLUTOCRACY

It was in the days of President William McKinley
that Americans began to see the conversion of the
American social order into a plutocracy, and when
Theodore Roosevelt came down from Mount Marcy in
the Adirondacks to succeed him after his death at the
hands of a foreign-born and foreign-reared anarchist,
the first question that was asked of him was what
would be his disposition toward this developing plu-
tocracy. What he said was very different from what
he did — for which the would-be plutocrats never for-
gave him ; but bided their time and waited, and plotted,
until they made an election to order in 1920, of which
we have spoken fully elsewhere.

But what is the plutocracy?

It certainly is not capitalism, which is a very good
economic scheme.

Capitalism is a plan by which, through the organ-
ization of corporations, all, even those with but small
savings, may contribute to the permanent tools of pro-
duction — buildings, lands, machinery, materials, work-
ing funds, credits.

Plutocracy could exist even without corporations,
through the very admirable system of private property
personally owned with full liabilities for every debt
against every partner. Nevertheless, corporate prop-
erty lends itself easily to the schemes of plutocracy.

Far back in the nineteenth century, when Governor
of the State of New York, Silas Wright, who had been
a United States Senator, and who was the actual

68

54

author of the famous Wilmot Proviso against slavery
in the free States, which was directed against the Fugi-
tive Slave Act, but destroyed by the Dred Scott De-
cision in 1857, prophesied that corporate property
would become a curse to America. This is why he was
impeached by his Legislature and removed from the
Governship. Unhappily he died in the very year when
the common people were organizing to secure for him
the nomination of the Whigs to the Presidency,

The great slaveholders were a plutocracy that held
all the South and the great Atlantic Coast cities, includ-
ing New York. All together the slaveholders had about
one billion dollars worth of domestic chattels in human
form, but more or less off color frm Caucasian, though
many of them had the best white blood of the South,
a condition due rather to the race customs of the
primitive negroes than to the advances of the younger
white men. In Africa, as in Tahiti today, it is the cus-
tom of the girls to be promiscuous until after marriage.
But small as a billion dollars looks to Americans now
when single corporations are said to have that much
and more of property, commercially valued, it M'as
fully one-tenth of all the wealth of America prior to
the Civil War.

A plutocracy does not necessarily own all the prop-
erty of a people. It needs only to own the public press,
the pulpit, the larger banks, and the larger business
enterprises ; thereby it owns the government.

Such was the power of the slavery plutocracy that
in 1862 the F)oard of Aldermen of New York City voted
to form the State of Tri-Insulae in order to secede from
the Union and to help the South overseas and by resist-
ing he draft.

The end of the war broke that plutocracy and
started new wealth, especially in great railroads to the
Pacific.

55

Oil, steel, railroads and banks are now the main
interests of the plutocracy that began to form in the
days of McKinley when Hanna was the real President.
Then we called them "trusts" and "syndicates" and
"pools."

By no means all the rich are "plutocrats," and not
all the plutocrats are very rich. Plutocracy is a sys-
tem. Henry Ford is not a plutocrat, though undoubt-
edly one of the richest men in America, Truman H.
Newberry, who ran against him and bought the elec-
tion to the Senate and thereby defeated the League of
Nations Covenant, is but a small multi-millionaire com-
pared with Ford. But Newberry belongs to the
plutocracy and Ford fights against it. The core of the
plutocracy, of course, consists of men and of the estates
of men of very great wealth. In order to avoid being
misunderstood, we name a few of the very rich men
and families that belong to the plutocracy : The Rocke-
fellers, George H. Baker, the Guggenheims, Judge
Gary, the Noyeses, of Washington.

Vast as is the wealth of the Morgan bankers, the
firm does not belong to the plutocracy for the sufficient
reason that it realizes the fallacy of the proposition ;
plutocracy in a free land under Magna Carta and the
Federal Constitution, is certain to invite its own ruin.
There are said to be now in this land seven men or
estates worth over $100,000,000 each ; and 37,000 mil-
lionaires. When we have real publicity, we shall learn
from the income tax reports just who these million-
aires are. But it is safe to say that not one-half of
them belong to or care anything about the plans of the
plutocracy other than to prevent dog eating dog and
being themselves devoured by yet richer men.

The plutocracy as a developed system now owns
control of the major enterprises in —

1. Steam railroads.

66

2. Iron and steel.

3. Coal and oil.

4. Newspapers, magazines and books.

5. Meats.

6. Grain elevators.

7. Pulp and paper.

8. Money and banks,

9. The national government and many state and
city governments.

10. The real estate of several great and many small
cities.

11. National and city debts.

12. Many churches, but not all, nor half.

13. Many colleges and universities, but not all.

14. Wholesale trade.

15. Foreign trade.

16. Rubber.

17. Lumber.

It desires to own these enterprises clean through,
and all others also. It desires to reduce the ordinary
man to being an animal interested only in space and
things and what and how, while it owns time and cause
and why — that is, the future. It wishes to put all
wage-earners where the colored slaves were in 1860,
and to treat all poor men not on wage-payrolls as "poor
white trash." It hates trade unions, closed shops, col-
lective bargaining, independent livelihoods, including
small tradespeople.

The plutocracy is smart enough to spread broadcast
such false ideas as these, viz. :

1. Paper money is just as good as gold. How can
the people know? They never see gold any more.

2. The man who works hard can make a fortune
and die rich. Give us all you've got. This is too ob-
vious a lie to be worth answering.

3. Saving money is the highway to success. This

' 57

draws the herring over the trail of the men who grew
very rich in totally different ways from savings their
wages.

The poor have too many children. This is wicked.

5. In the next world God will right the wrongs of
this one. Endure for this life — endure us.

6. Reformers are all weak-minded.

7. A bank account is a man's best friend. In view
of the ease with which a rich man can seize legally the
bank account of a poorer enemy, this is fraud. God,
who is Right, is a man's only worthwhile friend.

8. Own your own home, and slave for us, because
it will be hard for you to sell it when out of work and
anxious to get to some other employers.

9. It is a good thing for a great nation to have a
great national debt; it makes the government stable,
and develops a class opposed to revolutions.

10. It is unsafe for the people to pick their own
rulers; they do not know how to judge men; let us
hand-pick them.

Such are the ideas that the plutocracy is forever
having reiterated in its own papers and by its own
preachers.

In your own town, no matter where that town is,
you will certainly see the evidences of encroachments
of the plutocracy. It destroyed Tom Johnson in Cleve-
land and made Myron T. Herrick and Mark Hanna be-
fore him. It fought James M. Cox in Dayton in 1920.
It smashed Augustus F. Heinze in Montana and New
York. It is after Henry Ford in the motor car busi-
ness, of which it controls perhaps one-third, including
General Motors.

In some lines, the plutocracy is having poor going;
it cannot master the farm ownership and operation
problems yet, nor does it have good success in the re-
tail trades.

58

It does not own over one-third of the tobacco busi-
ness. It is after the motion picture industry, but is
making a poor showing as yet. It has done but little in
gold and silver, though it owns copper mining. It has
failed in every fishery corporation scheme, it has been
buncoed by its own plans for the ownership of sea-
transportation and makes generally but poor success in
electric railways. It has failed to secure the California
citrus fruits lands.

If America has actually the value of sixty billions
of gold dollars in business of all kinds — measured by
the gold standard, not by this pseudo-money of paper
and ink — the plutocracy may have already the control
of one-fourth and power in another fourth. America
may be worth in gold in all §150,000,000,000; but even
now, most of this is free from the plutocracy. What
the plutocrats wish is all of it.

What are the keys to the position of the plutocracy ?

1. The Associated Press — news service carefully
edited to help the plutocrats.

2. The U. S. Steel Corporation — our biggest busi-
ness with almost two billions of assets in the watered
currency of today.

3. The Standard Oil interest — thirty-two compan-
ies all owned by the same rich men. These spread
into Mexico and Canada, into Mesopotania and China,
and all over the earth.

4. Certain great banks, including the National City
Bank of New York, the Continental and Commercial
National Bank of Chicago, the Guaranty Trust Com-
pany of New York, the Mellon National Bank of Pitts-
burgh.

5. The Ncvn^ York Central Railroad, the Reading,
etc. (Not so much the Pennsylvania, which has
110,000 different stockholders).

59

6. Certain Protestant Churches and the Mormon
Church.

7. Certain organs of opinion, conspicuously the
Wall treet Journal, the Chicago Tribune, the Saturday
Evening Post, the Philadelphia Ledger, Washington
Post, the New York Herald, the Cleveland News, the
American Magazine.

8. The Republican party.

Anyone who keeps one's eyes on these will know the
plans and intentions of the plutocracy.

What does the plutocracy desire now ?

The right so as to blacklist any man needing em-
ployment or credit in business that he will be unable
to make a living under the Stars and Stripes. It is to
be made free of libel to represent as dishonest, or in-
subordinate, or incompetent, or insane any man who
resents his treatment anywhere by any employer. The
blacklist is to be universal.

Private personal bargaining with every employer;
as in one great business where the employment man-
ager refuses to talk with any two men at any one time I
Hire-and-fire at their own will.

Unlimited paper "money," inflated credits, inflated
prices.
- Liquidated wages — that is, deflated wages.

A subsidized merchant marine.

A higher protective tariff, always higher and
higher.

Taxation on the poor; exemption for the rich.

Wars and munitions for war with a great govern-
ment market, and with voluntary enlistments for the
rich.

All higher teachers of "learning" to be Republicans.

No Democratic, Socialist, or reform magazines or
papers of any kind ; as a step thereto second-class mail-
ing privileges only for the Republican papers.

60

Suppression of mail service of the first-class to all
persons not recommended by the Republican National
Committee as safe.

The present national debt to be refunded and con-
tinued.

How does plutocracy operate in the economic field ?

By funding into the future all its hopes of gain and
selling the securities — so-called — to the gullible people.

The plutocracy began to do this far back in the
eighteenth century. But the present century sees this
scheme in all its glory. Enterprises are capitalized
at sixteen per cent, twelve per cent, ten per cent, six
per cent, and in peculiarly audacious instances at even
four, three and two per cent of the hope of gain. Take
a case:

A man has an oil well and some leases. He forms
a company and tells the suckers that his well is pay-
ing a thousand dollars a day profit; that is, a third of
a million a year. At sixteen per cent, this would enable
him to capitalize at $1,800,000, which, as things go,
would not be criminal if one could be sure that the well
would operate (say) a hundred years. But the man
never stops at this; he argues to the suckers that the
leases will produce ten such wells, and that ten per cent
on their money would be fine. The result is that he
gets them in on the basis of a reliable income of
$3,000,000 a year, funded at ten per cent; and he sells
out his well for $30,000,000, less commissions to the
promoters.

This is not an extreme case.

Or take the case which is historical — of the U. S.
Steel Corporation. When its common stock was floated,
it was not worth a dollar; the whole issue of
$600,000,000 was water. But the stock was sold at par!

Then the corporation, through its subsidiaries, went
to work to put value into the common stock; and the

61

first thing to do was to get the Republicans into power
under Taft to raise the steel tariff.

The next thing to do was to water the currency so
as to make a gold dollar do the work of two dollars
and get the earnings into the big banks.

This automatically inflated the inventories of the
Steel Corporation. Soon every share of the common
stock was worth in book value over $100.

Where do the bondholders come in who paid gold
dollars for the bonds ? Well, Andrew Carnegie got the
bonds, and he gave them away to colleges and libraries,
letting the rich out neatly. That is why colleges with
endowments have found their endowments so reduced
in purchasing power. But only the insiders are sup-
posed to understand such difficult matters.

The common people are too dull to see.

Such is the plutocracy and such are its ways ; there-
fore, it had to make an election to order in 1920.

CHAPTER VII

THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT AND THE
PLUTOCRACY

The REGENCY— Florence Kling (de Wolfe) Hard-
ing, Harry M. Daugherty, Boies Penrose, Le Roi Faine-
ant (King Donothing) Warren Gamaliel Harding,
Speaker of the House of Representatives Frederic H.
Gillett, steel multi-millionaire; Senators, who are mil-
lionaire plutocrats are, Colt, Frelinghuyson, Hale,
Knox, Lodge, IsIcCormick, McKinley, Smoot, Warren
(father-in-law of General J. J. Pershing), Wolcott,
Wadsworth.

Cabinet Secretaries — Mellon (multissimo million-
aire), Hoover, multi-millionaire; Daugherty, Hays,
Davis, Wallace, Fall, Weeks, Denby. Only Hughes
loves personal liberty.

Where does the Supreme Court stand?

Holmes and Brandeis, both from Massachusetts,
love freedom, and may be relied upon to oppose the
Massachusetts bloc composed of Senator Lodge,
Speaker Gillett and Secretary Weeks. Clark and Pitney
have human feelings. The rest are plutocratic — White,
McKenna, McReynolds, Day and Van Devanter.

On the same day that the United States Senate
voted to "pay" Colombia $25,000,000 blackmail, to help
"oil," April 20, 1921, the New York Tribune financial
page published this, viz.:

Standard Oil in Colombia

"Evidence accumulates that the Standard Oil in-
terests consider the Colombian oil fields among the
most promising for future operations. Several months

62

G3

ago the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey acquired
control of the International Petroleum Company, Ltd.,
and yesterday came the announccmen that this con-
cern has acquired one of the larger islands in the har-
bor of Barranquilla, Colombia, at the mouth of the
Magdalena River, According to reports in the finan-
cial district yesterday, the company will build a re-
finery with a daily capacity of 25,000 barrels. Inter-
national Petroleum was formerly owned by the Tropical
Oil Companj^ controlled by the Benedum-Trees-Treat-
Crav/ford interests, of Pittsburgh."

Standard Oil represents billions of dollars of prop-
erty.

The United States Senate is four times as powerful
as the House of Representatives, and since it has only
a fourth as m^any members, each Senator is sixteen
times as powerful as a Congressman in the House, The
Speaker is the third most powerful officer of the Gov-
ernment — the Chief Justice and the President alone
surpassing him because of his power to form com-
mittees even under the new rules.

In the Senate, there are but few friends of hum.an
rights, only a few like Norris and Kenyon ; though
there are several who lean toward freedom as against
plutocracy with this puppet doing the shadow work in
the White House. Pomerene, to whom, among others,
Harding admitted his social classificatioji as a negro;
Borah, Cummins, Culberson, Johnson — these have not
entirely gone over to the view that corporate property
is immortal and divine.

The real hope for the friends of freedom is in the
Supremo Court, and that m_ay easily be overturned,
now that five men are ready to quit. The best friend
of the ordinary man in public life is Kenesaw Mountain
Landis, the Federal Judge, which is one reason why he
took the baseball supervision, knowing that he could

64

never become a Supreme Court Justice, as he merits
becoming. Even Hughes may forget Nagna Charta and
the United States Constitution in his present sur-
roundings.

A PICTURE

Three thousand years ago, Moses came down from
Mount Sinai with the Tables of the Law that were to
end the CAUSES of personal hatreds among men. He
found that while he had been listening to the thunders
and to the voice of God, the people had made a
GOLDEN CALF and were dancing, singing and shout-
ing in its worship.

In AJpril, 1921, President Warren Harding stood in
a square in New York City and read a paper on the
Monroe Doctrine, pledging that if any nation should
attack the South American States, he would set afoot
the army and hoist anchor for the navy and fight ; and
the great men of many nations looked up at him —
university graduates, jurists, publicists, scholars — wor-
shipping the GOLDEN CALF of today — oil, rubber,
guano, gold in Columbia, Peru and South America. And
Woodrow Wilson, who brought from Versailles a new
Table of the Law to end the causes of national hatreds
among men, sat remembering the thunders of German
guns against Paris and the voice of God in the hearts
of statesmen at the Peace Conference, sat quietly in
his library in Washington and waited and will wait un-
til the worship of the Golden Calf is exposed once more
as a fraud and delusion and snare of the peoples.

Warren was thinking of the eighteen billions of
dollars that Europe now owes to the plutocrats of
America.

He was thinking of Japan armed to the teeth and
ready to strike.

65

He was thinking of Mexico that he may yet invade,
as Polk invaded that land to please the slavelords.

He was thinking of Great Britain, mistress of
the seas, and of the American war program to build a
navy as big as the biggest and the best of all.

He imagined that wars must come and go forever,

BUT

Has slavery been outlawed?

Has polygamy passed from civilized lands?

Has the saloon been abolished from America foi-
ever?

(fcRAWF ORD
COUNTY

OBUGYRdS

M A R I H
COUNTY

Omariojj

i

•Iberia CorriQrs

!^ew Caledonl a

Mt.GILEAD

MORROW
COUNTY

LITTLE AFRICA— HARDING LAND

When will wars end? When will the God Mars be
slain?

66

In the day that America joins the League of Nations
and ceases to obey the plutocrats in worshipping their
golden image.

But Warren has no son to go to war.

Little Africa consists of three counties, where for
a hundred years has raged the feud between the whites
and the mestizoes. In it live almost a thousand de-
scendants of Amos Harding and ten thousand other
hybrids.

At Blooming Grove Warren was born; here David
Butler killed Amos Smith in 1849. At Steam Corners
lives the mother of Warren's chauffeur ; a woman who
remembers him as a baby. Here also lives other peo-
ple who know all the history of Harding Corners. At
Iberia was the seat of the little teacher's school to train
for rural work to which Warren went two years. It
was called a college, but it did not require for admis-
sion even a rural elementary school diploma.

At Gallon lives a man who went to school with him
and roomed with him at Iberia.

At New Caledonia lives the bankers who remember
him as a school mate there.

At Marion lives Dr. George Tryon (or Tyrone)
Harding, Wan-en's father.

CHAPTER VIII.
FAKE BIOGRAPHS OF W. G. HARDING

We have printed elsewhere in this book the valid
and various proofs that old William Chanceller, of
Mount Gilead, negro, and the many other friends of
*'Nig" Harding in his boyhood days, told the truth to
the negroes of America when they said, as they did in
the pulpits of ther churches that Warren Gamaliel Ban-
croft is a negro in part himself, and that he was per-
fectly willing to admit this until ambition to rise in
politics got the better of what little sense of truth-
fulness he has. Here we propose to take up a few
points from the various articles that have been printed
about him in Republican and Baptist organs.

In an article published by the aged Abie Gunn
Baker in THE CHRISTIAN HERALD during the cam-
paign, she told a story of how the mother of the mother
of Warren discovered at church that her daughter was
deeply interested in George Tryon Harding, his father.
(We assume here that Tryon is the right way to spell
this middle name, though we have stated elsewhere
that Tyrone appears to be the family name, not Tryon).
It appears that one day at church the daughter, their
youngest child, failed to enter the church with her
parents, but lingered outside. Right in the midst of
the service, in walked her daughter on the arm of her
soldier mate. After church Mrs. Dickerson asked the
girl what was the meaning of the affair. She replied
that — so Mrs. Baker says — George was already her
husband. This makes a perfectly good story, for Mrs.

67

68

Baker does not neglect to say that this young woman
was a full year older than her mate, which, of course,
was the truth.

DR. GEORGE TYRON HARDING,
Father of the President

But, unfortunately, this story does not "gee" with
the interview printed in McClure's Magazine after the

69

election from the lips of George Tryon Harding, father
of Warren. This old man said to the interviewer that
his wife was a year younger than himself, which was
false, and also that he married her with the full ap-
proval of the parents on both sides.

Let us look into the war dates in order to get the
truth itself from these conflicing yarns, and from cer-
tain facts that are indisputable.

Warren Harding was born November 2, 1865. His
father was released from the army on furlough in
March; it was a furlough, and he went back in the
service. This credibly establishes the paternity of the
boy, which no one doubts. But when did the marriage
take place?

Old George Tryon Harding says that they had a
long courtship and often went out together. If so,
when? George served three years in the army.

Now the truth is that these two persons spent much
of their later lives trying to agree as to dates, places,
persons variously reported by them to have celebrated
their wedding for them, and they never agreed. Nor
did Mrs. Harding ever possess a marriage certificate,
nor was any license ever issued by any court officer.
This does not concern the legitimacy of the TEN chil-
dren, but it happens to concern the fact that one was
white and the other was not. It happens to explain
why the Dickersons allowed their youngest child to
stay at home with them for a half year after Warren
was born ; but then made her move out.

The true story of George Tryon Harding after this
event when he got his white wife, wthout the courtesy
of asking her parents, is this, viz.: They got a piece
of land for him and made him work it. They got Doc-
tor McCuen, the only white physician in the place, to
allow George to study with him privately so that in the
course of time George Tryon became first a veterinary

70

then a country doctor. When Warren was fifteen
years old, the father adventured into Marion, where he
got a practice with servants, colored people and cattle
and horses, higher than which he never rose. We shall
return to this later.

In these same two articles, according to Doctor
George, he never had any other love than his wife,
Elizabeth Dickerson. Yet the court records of Marion
County, Ohio, show indisputably that no sooner was
the old lady laid in her grave in 1907, than the old man
married a widow who had a son and four thousand dol-
lars. She is now living in Muncie, Ind. ; three years later
than the marriage, she got a divorce from George T.
on the ground that he had been trying to cheat
her out of her money. The court allowed her to take as
her alimony a small house that belonged to one of the
Hardings. She has come out with an affidavit that
•her real reason for desiring a divorce was that George
T. was too much nigger for her to endure him. She
has been seen and interviewed often by Republican
and Democratic reporters, but it has seemed impolitic
to their newspapers to tell the story. Of course, her
last name is Harding now; her first name is Endora,
and she can be seen by any one who cares to find her
in Muncie.

So much for the testimony of George T. Harding
that he never loved but one woman. This bears out
her story that he tried to cheat the second Mrs. Hard-
ing. But it makes him out a gay deceiver of women
once more in his old age. Of course, he deceived his
real mate, Elizabeth Dickerson, by proposing to wish
to support her.

The old man and the old writer of the Harding
story have both tried to make out that he was a good
provider for his large family, and that Mrs. Elizabeth
was a very happy woman.

71

Unfortunately, for the beauty of this story, it hap-
pens that the very naive Warren has himself spoiled it
by spilling some facts. One thing that he has said in
an interview is that whenever the children got hungry,
they either went down the road to Grandmother Dick-
erson, or up the road to Grandfather Harding and got
food in plenty. Another of these naive statements was
that they always ate at their grandparents on feast
days and often on Sundays. Still another was that the
children all worked at the neighbors' as soon as they
were big enough to do anything at all. Still another
statement v/as that their only real poverty was in re-
spect to clothes. Now we have but to add two or three
more facts to get the whole situation. One fact is that
Mrs. Dickerson Harding, mother of Warren, went out
as midwife and also as nurse and even as servant fre-
quently. A second is that the George Tryon family got
their little farms from their blood kin as tenants. A
third is that all the children had very much cut-down
educations. In other words, the father, mother and
children were drifters in a rich countryside, protected
from poverty by the good nature of all their neighbors
and by the pity that they felt for a white woman with
a black husband, so-called. Of course, this was un-
usual, though there were many negroes about. Mixed
unions were not the common thing. Fifty years ago,
more than half of the Blooming Grove people had negro
or Indian blood, or both.

Another of the pleasant fictions in which the Re-
publicans have indulged is the printing of the alleged
birthplace of Warren. This is a house only thirty
years old. His log cabin shack was burned down long
ago. Indeed the family occupied it only a few months,
and the truth is that his mother gave him birth in her
own bed chamber at the Dickerson house, for at this
time the two were not yet living in a home together.

72

We have the affidavit from the present Dickerson
family that they acquiesced in the mating solely be-
cause their sister was pregnant when they found it out
that she intended to consort with this negro youth
from the army.

It is important here to recall that of the more than
3,000,000 boys in blue, no less than 275,000 were
negroes, and no less than 700,000 were foreign-born.
Colored men and boys with firearms helped to whip the
Southern whites, who did not arm their loyal negroes.

Mrs. Harding herself often said that she "married"
George T. only because he wore soldier stripes and
blue.

It may be worth while to take the picture of her as
she is portrayed, first, by the Republicans ; second, by
her neighbors ; third, by the photographer,

Mrs. Baker says that she was tall and willowy, with
a lovely singing voice, and very industrious. She had
light brown hair, and was pale.

The neighbors report that she was always over-
worked ; that she did not have very much interest in
anything except babies and sick people; and that she
was always penniless. They say that she was very
amiable.

The picture of her that has come down shows her
at forty years of age, with very dark hair, a thin, an-
xious face, and poorly dressed. On the other hand, her
children are fat and cheerful in their early pictures.

Of course, Mrs. Elizabeth Harding was a very good
woman, but having poor judgment; else she would not
have taken up with this imposter. She had TEN chil-
dren and was as good a mother to them as any woman
in poverty can be.

She was the youngest of all her family, their pet;
the Dickersons were among the superior people of the
neighborhood, far above the Hardings. Her union with

73

this George Tryon was a heavy blow to her old parents.
It came when she was twenty-one years old, and she
was wthout anything more than a very elementary
rural schooling. Her parents and her mate never cared
for books ; nor did she make a reading man of her son,
Warren.

It is also to be remembered that these ten children
were never at home together. Warren, the eldest, had
cut loose long before the youngest was bom.

There are, of course, hundred of stories afloat about
how the President of the United States behaved when
he was a boy, and what he did. These are not of the
Lincoln type. There are no stories of study late into
the night ; or of kindness to animals. They are indeed
the stories of a people who were crude and illiterate
and who took some of the serious things of like as
jokes. One Harding himself tells. Once when he was
going to Grandfather Harding's to spend Thanksgiving
with them, on the way near the farmhouse he saw the
turkey gobbler that was to be the piece de resistance
for the repast, and he threw a stone and killed it. His
grandfather could not find the bird, and they had to
have chicken instead; but later the dead fowl was
found and they charged Warren with the killing. This
he stoutly denied until they proved it on him, when one
and all took the affair as funny. This does not strike
one as a white people's way of dealing with such a mat-
ter; and when one looks upon the face of Charles A.
Hfirding in his daughter's home in Blooming Grove,
one does not take the face for that of a pure Caucasian,
either.

All the neighbors report that Warren was very dis-
obedient when a child and had to be soundly thrashed
by one or the other parent ; he had an especially violent
temper. Once he was expelled from school, and the

74

teacher would not take him back ; but the family moved

to another farm, and he started on again.

The peregrinations of these George Tryon Hardings
were from Blooming Grove to Steam Corners, a mile
away ; here now lives the very aged mother of his motor
car chauffeur. She lives a widow with an old man a
widower. This old woman is a chair-bound invalid of
large size, with many stories to tell of Warren, whom
she tended when he was a baby. There was a story
diligently circulated by the Republicans throughout
Ohio among the white people that their candidate was
born in Pennsylvania and was not a Blooming Grove
man at all. The women of several cities still believe
this, and old Mrs. Blacksten, which is the name of this
aged woman, was furious at the denial that this par-
ticular man, for whom her son worked, was the Repub-
lican candidate for the Presidency. She also insisted
that she had often seen him naked and that he was
dark like all the Hardings. But on this point, the testi-
mony of all was unanimous.

She admitted, as did all the Hardings, that there
was a story afloat that they had negro blood ; but this
did not interest her. Negroes were too common to
disturb her peace.

Another story is that when Warren was about
twelve years old he was employed to do some field
work in September; he was to get fifty cents for the
day; and he worked just five minutes, saying then that
the work was too hard; it was shucking corn. This
story is told by the son of the farmer who employed
Warren, who at this time had no power to stick to any-
thing. Perhaps if he had possessed this power, he
would have not become useful to the Republican pluto-
crats later; he does not possess much pertinacity even
yet.

The rural schools lasted about five months in Mor-
row County at this period, and Warren went to them

75

until he was fifteen years of age, though he was not a
regular pupil in attendance nor at all apt in his
studies.

From Steam Corners he went to New Caledonia,
where there still live many persons who remember his
few years there quite well. Two of them run the bank
there. He seldom knew his lessons; but big for his
age and hearty. They always called him "Nigger," be-
cause he looked so black when wet with the water when
they went swimming together.

At Iberia there was a small school with the grand-
iloquent name "Ohio Central College." This name has
fooled all the Republican biographers of Warren, who
imagine that he was very brilliant and got into col-
lege at fifteen years of age. These people do not know
the educational history of Ohio, and they mean not to
learn it.

This institution was founded in order to educate
the fugitive slaves. It was a one-building philanthropic
affair maintained by gifts from religious people in
small sums. It never had any endowment. The whole
affair represented an investment of but a few thousand
dollars. To this day, a college can be founded in Ohio
by any one who gets $100,000 together. Iberia Col-
lege never saw any such sum. It had sometimes two
or three teachers, some times four or five. The boys
and the girls had to room out where they could, except
such as did manual labor for their tuitions, for whom
there were provided in the recitation hall, the only
building, some beds, occupied by two or three together.
The school had a very general collection of studies.
They took an illiterate and gave him lessons in read-
ing. They took a big boy or girl who wished to be-
come a rural teacher and taught him some United
States history and grammar and arithemetic. This
was the course that Warren pursued. In all, at this

76

time there were forty or fifty young persons all from
the neighborhood going to Iberia College. There were
no courses such as the title indicates; none. Even to-
day, "a business college" is not a college.

At seventeen years of age, Warren quit this school
and, according to his own statement, went to teaching
winters and to doing teamster's work summers; and
also did some railroading. Professor Chancellor and
the investigators for several newspapers, after spend-
ing several weeks upon this phase of the matter after
the election was over, and he was free to do as he
pleased with their help, found that no school in which
Warren ever taught could be located, which proves
nothing, because many rural schools have been burned
down. None of the country people remembered that he
ever taught school. Nor did they remember that he
ever did any teaming in that neighborhood.

What was found was that in this period, viz., while
Warren was from seventeen to nineteen years of age,
a man from Morrow County named Harding served in
the United States army, but deserted in the very years
that Warren says that he taught school. But this again
proves nothing, for there were hundreds of Hardings ;
and the War Department has declined to furnish the
evidence on the ground that it never helps to incrimi-
nate any man.

But it so happens that when Warren was seventeen
years of age, he did not know how to play upon any
musical instrument, but that at twenty years of age,
he knew several. It also happens that he has a very
good personal knowledge of many things about the
army. It also happens that he hates military life and
is a pacifist. All this proves nothing. A physician
who had occasion to administer medical treatment to
Warren for several years after he moved there, says
that Warren had a mliitai 3' way with him and gave

77

evidence of having had troubles sometimes associated
with military life. But there is no legal evidence on
this point.

He did arrive in Marion when he was just about
twenty years of age ; he went there to join his father.
The next five years are all within the evidence. Many
persons have written them up. Jack Warwick, in par-
ticular, did so in Republcan newspapers; he had been
his printing partner for a while.

But hundreds of persons now alive in Marion and
elsewhere remember this, the worst period of Hard-
ing's life.

He came to Marion to a fiimily hard pressed to get
food and shelter. He was a roustabout. He did what-
ever his hands could find to do, and he did not do
these things well. He gave no evidence to anyone of
having any future.

At this time, Marion was undergoing a very rapid
industral development ; and there v/ere many strangers
coming into the city, especially foreigners and negroes.
No one ever then thought of Warren as anything else
than a colored man. He was still called "Nig."

He did not take up any regular work, did not try
to become a machinist in the steel works. He felt out
of the current. But he had plenty of muscular strength,
and good wits, and by keeping on with his parents, to
whom he had now returned, he managed to get along.
He was a persistent frequenter of saloons and played
all the familiar games, crap included. He liked to go
to the skating rink, and get in with the various girls.

Marion never was a clean city, and Warren felt at
home in it soon. A few persons were making fortunes
in it; and they cared nothing whatever save for their
money.

The man who roomed with Warren Harding for the
two years that he spent in reviewing the elementary

78

courses in preparation for becoming a teacher, himself
a pro-German during the World War, as he now insists,
but who voted against him all the same in November,
1920, explains that the only peculiarities of Warren
during the two years that he knew him were two : He
liked to talk all the time in the debates that the boys
had and to give declamxations and to write, though no
one could understand what he had to say, and he liked
to make friends; he would make up with anyone. He
had outgrown the childish hot temper and was notably
affable. In other words, the higher instinct from his
superior heredity in this respect were getting control.

Now this explains why Warren became a printer
and joined with two partners in a little paper. The city
had one paper, which was successful; but the Hard-
ings were red-hot Republicans, as why should not all
G. A. R. negroes be Republican? The leading paper
was Democratic.

The Republican party has been a machine for ex-
tracting more than a hundred million dollars every
year for the G. A. R. pensions out of the ultimate con-
sumers for the benefit of the protective tariff lords
and of the "old soldiers." It set free the negroes and
it gave to them the franchise. Negroes belong in the
Republican party.

The problem was how to get press and paper to-
gether and get out a daily issue.

Originally, it appears that the Hardings became as-
sociated with this fantastic enterprise in the following
manner: About 1884 from a small printing office in
Marion was occasionally issued a small paper dubbed
the scandal sheet and whose proprietors were in finan-
cial straights. J. O. Sickles, with a little money, and
Jack Warwick with a little experience, in a spirit of
venture, took over the plant. As natives of Caledonia
they knew Warren Harding, who at this time was

71)

temporarily working on the Democratic paper of
Marion. He also had a little experience and better ac-
quaintance in Marion and having nothing else to offer
him to join them in the enterprise, Sickles and War-
wick offered him a third interest to join them in their
shop. So the arrangement stood until Sickles withdrew
full of experience but lighter in pocketbook. His in-
terest was disposed of to Dr. George Tryon Harding
for promissory note and several vacant lots of little
value. Eventually the note was paid, which accounts
for the doctor's claim to having financed the enter-
prise. The doctor admitted his inability to consider the
deal for cash.

At this time he was forty-three years old, encum-
bered with a little real estate of doubtful value and the
care of eigh living children, a ninth and middle one hav-
ing died just previously of diphtheria, under his per-
sonal care. The oldest man of the group was Jack
Warwick, so far as we can find out. Warren set type,
wrote news and fed the presses ; occasionally he got
advertisements. Their support, small as it was, came
from three sources — soreheads against the Democratic
daily, bitter partisan Republicans, and persons who
sympathized with the young men. They were bucking
a monopoly at a time when Marion had some ten
thousand people.

What with paper to pay for even at the then low
price of paper, and the small subscription list, and very
few advertisers, generally the week showed no money
to distribute for the livings of the partners. At this
time, Warren borrowed money from friends — "hand-
outs." There are persons who then lived in Marion and
are still alive who say to this day Warren has never
paid them back. True or false, such is his reputa-
tion. We have explained elsewhere how, with this

80

reputation, he was able, in 1920, to get a large major-
ity of the votes.

It has been reported that the change in the original
partnership was due to the progressive tendency of
Warren and the disagreement about the installment
of a telephone in the office, but his partner says that
the change was due to financial causes of which one
was the result of a trip by Warren to Chcago, taking
with him $150 of partnership money with which to
secure a second-hand press for the shop.

He stayed ten days, came back penniless, without
having shipped or paid for the press, but with the tale
of a swell time. Jack Warwick then undertook the trip
with complete success, at less cost of time and money.
Not long after, Sickles left the business. Whether this
or Warren's version is the real cause of Sickles leav-
ing, one thing is true, and that is, that Sickles is the
man who started Warren G. Harding in the newspaper
game.

At this time there was in Marion a very rich man,
said to have been at the time the richest man in the
little city, a banker named Amos Kiing, His age was
about fiftyfive. He had three children, two sons and
a daughter. This girl had united herself with a man
named Harry de Wolf, but she did not take the situa-
tion as very serious, frequenting the skating rink of
the little city and neglecting her one child, a boy, and
this mate. What we here report is a court record.

So flagrant was her style of living that her father
would have nothing to do with her. Unhappily, her
mother was dead.

Harry decided to get an annulment of the mating.
Each set up a date when an alleged wedding took place.
Harry set a date that showed that the boy was bom
soon after the union; while Florence set up a much
earlier date. In he court on the show-down, it ap-

81

pearecl that there had never been any wedding. The
court would not even construe the case as a common
law marriage, but did in a fashion release Harry, who
soon after married and went to Colorado, where,
after begetting two more children who concern this
record, he died. He claimed he got tuberculosis from
drinking, and that the conduct of his first mate drove
him to drink.

At the skating rink long before the annulment of
the relation by the court, Warren became acquainted
with Florence, as did many other men. Gradually, in
her way, but with inherited thrift, she acquired enough
money to buy a house of her own. This house was not
given to her by her father, as the Republicans falsely
allege.

Years went by. Florence Kling de Wolfe, so-called,
made it a habit to spend hours every day at the print-
ing shop, often publicly caressng Warren. She begged
him to marry her. Warren did not see this at first;
but in view of the saving of rent, he did take her as
his wife. Kling was even angrier than ever. He
bought the mortgage on the building rented by Warren
and his partners and tried to force them out. The legal
contests resulting are a part of the common gossip of
Marion to this day. Florence Kling became business
manager of the paper to show her father what blood
could do. She never went to his house, and Warren
was forbidden to go there.

This warfare between Amos H. Kling and his son-
in-law and daughter is what made each of them what
they have become. To fight the richest man of a city
is in itself a course that creates sympathy. New peo-
ple came in who did not remember the old situation,
and who would not believe the old stories. There was
no sudden reform in the young man or his six-years'-
older wife; but they had a fight to keep alive, to get

82

I'ood and clothing. Warren never ceased to frequent
the saloons and to play poker, which he playec^ well
enough not to lose money. But he began to see that
work is a necessity. His notion that Amos would re-
lent and give money to his daughter died out, and there
grew in its place a desire to show the old man that he
could get along, without him. Florence went among
the bankers and borrov/ed money to put the STAR on
its feet. They sold stock on the co-operative plan to
their own printers; mostly they employed women and
young men ; but they got a very good editor named Van
Fleet. And the Republicans, needing an organ, helped
them more and more.

There is one picture given by Warwick that helps
to an understanding of the relations of Warren to the
others. Every few days he would go out and invest a
half dollar in chewing tobacco that he tied by a string
to a post in the composing room, and he and the others
would take their jacknives and whittle off a piece as
long as it lasted. He was what in Ohio they call "com-
mon," meaning that he was just like the other fel-
lows; he "put on no dog." There was a considerable
income from job advertising — circulars, posters, etc. —
from the tradespeople, theaters, etc. To this, Warren
gave much personal attention, having almost nothing
to do with the money affairs and the outer office.

Warwick left the business and moved on, as peri-
patetic printers will. He says frankly in the series of
articles that the Republican papers ran, that he had
no idea that Warren Harding would ever amount to
anything or ever rise to great heights.

All Ohio people talk politics, and talk it most of the
time. Poker games are a very common scene for
political plans. Newspaper offices talk politics. These
were the two great interests of Warren, who saw so

83

much of his wife at the printing shop that he did not
bother to spend his evenings with her.

About the time when Harry de Wolfe died in Colo-
rado, without accomplishing his threat to kill Warren
before he did go himself, and the time when the one
de Wolfe child died, who had been born to Mrs. Hard-
ing (though de Wolfe at times disputed its paternity,
which he attributed to another man, however, than
Warren), the big printer conceived the notion that he
would like to get some of this easy political money.

It is well to pause here and consider some of the
peculiar social ideas of Ohio. One is that teachers,
preachers and officeholders belong to the inferior
classes. There are but few States in which these three
lines are held in as deep contempt as in Ohio. But edi-
tors were considered even lower, and printers still
lower. The big men in Ohio, the high-class people, are
the rich, especially the bankers. There were so many
colleges — seventy-five at this time used the name —
that educational degrees and diplomas were at a dis-
count. With such an institution as Ohio Central Col-
lege using the name we need not wonder at this. Warren
thought that a political office would get him some
money, and he desired office for this reason alone.

He was now thirty-four years old — it was 1899 —
and he happened to live in a senatorial district of the
State where the Democrats always had easy pickings
for election, but where the Democratic Senator was
about through. Few Senators served over two or three
terms. A very weak man was being put up by the
Democrats. Warren had met Daugherty, and he now
got some advice from him. Daugherty agreed to send
out some fine speakers and to make a big fight for
him. Even then Daugherty knew that Warren was
a negro, but he thought that for this very reason, if

84

Warren should win, he would be a pliant servant for
himself in the Legislature.

Warren got the nomination easilj^ and all the Re-
publicans anticpaled that he would be thoroughly-
licked, of course.

The Marion district lies just northwest of Colum-
bus, the home of Daugherty. It was easy to send out
many speakers. One more Senator for Daugherty at
this time in but thirty-three in all meant a lot to him
in his fight for power. Daugherty was then forty
years old. There was a tremendous fight, but it was
made not by Warren Harding, but by old Amos Kling
against Daugherty and against his son-in-law as a
nigger.

Amos was then about seventy years old. But he
jumped into the fray and canvassed every county, tak-
ing several men with him. He had made many enemies
by refusing loans to farmers. He was not a good pub-
lic speaker. Warren was kept hidden from the people
who had never seen him in order not to verify the
charge that he was colored. He spoke only where he
was already known. The people were told that the
rich man was "a mean old thing," who had let his
daughter go to work and would not help her in her
financal troubles.

Negroes were all lined up sub rosa for their colored
brother; and the foreigners were told to vote for the
poor man against the candidate of the rich man.

The election was close; but the colored man won,
as colored men have often won in Ohio. The talk of
race prejudice was worked where it would work, and
the color was denied wherever that seemed advisable.
The result was that Warren Harding was put on the
track that eventually brought him to the White House.

His nomination for Lieutenant Governor was
brought about in 1904 in much the same way and he

85

was carried in on a Republican landslide to Roosevelt.
Save Warren Harding himself, no one knows just
what he got financially out of these six years of office-
holding other than salary and mileage — the total of
which was about ten thousand dollars. After that his
connection with THE STAR was not taken by him
very seriously ; he did some work as a printer, but in
the main his time was spent in scheming to get into
the United States Senate. He ran for the nomination
several times, once against Daugherty himself — in or-
der that one or the other should have it. Both lost.
But the Marion newspaper man benefitted in indirect
ways by all this political publicity. There are always
interests that desire newspaper support, and he was
given small holdings in various local enterprises for his
influence — including a brewery and a bank. The total
was not large, but it was all on the right side of the
ledger.

His health was often in sour condition from heavy
di'inking and night excesses. Several attacks are
known to have occurred of delirum tremens, when he
was taken to the Marion sanitarium managed by Doc-
tor C. E. Sawyer, now Admiral of the United States
navy, and personal attendant upon his very distin-
guished patient.

Let no person imagine that THE MARION STAR
was a great money maker. The Hardings together
have never entirely owned it. There have been other
stockholders and heavy debts. It is improbable that
the average amount of money available to the Hard-
ings from the property from 1904 to 1920 has been
over three thousand dollars a year; and it is very
doubtful whether in any year it ever has earned for
them over five or six thousand dollars. It is no gold
mine. And it is to be remembered that this represents

the labor of Mrs. Harding rather than of her husband
since 1899.

87

When Amos Kling died of the disappointment in
seeing his plans to ruin his son-in-law defeated and to
rid himself of the disgrace of having such a person in
his famly, he left an estate of over a million dollars;
but not one dollar to them. The sentimental race
equalitarians may object to this. Strangely enough,
he made some provision for the other two children of
poor de Wolfe, not much but enough to show that he
had a warm heart after all. These are the two chil-
dren whom Harding and his wife in one interview
claimed as their own, together \^'ith the two little chil-
dren of one of these two, already now married, but
without a drop of Kling or Harding blood.

How can these things be?

How did Jezebel ever get to be Queen over Israel?
How came Nero, Caligula, Galba, Claudius to rule in
Rome? How did Catherine de Medici ever get her
power? How did it happen that Aaron Burr was once
Vice-President of the United States?

He was defeated for the Presidency itself by ONE
VOTE.

There are m.any stories told of how seriously
Kling took this marriage of his daughter to Warren
Harding. To one sheriff of a county in the district he
told that it was hell just to be alive with such a per-
son closely related to himself.

A man who had been a business associate for many
years, but who witnessed the wedding of the two (de-
scribed by Kling in unprintable words), was ordered
never to speak to him again ; and shut out from all
loans from the Kling bank.

Much has been made of an alleged reconciliation be-
tween Warren and Kling. The facts are that in his
extreme old age, Kling decided to marry again; and
the woman whom he chose, believed that his hatred for
Florence was shortening his life. She persuaded him

88

to allow his daughter to come to see him occasionally.

At the time of his trip to Florida, the newspapers
were told that many years before then, Warren had
visited Amos Kling in his Florida home. This was not
Amos Idling at all, but a son of one of Kling's brothers.
And it was not a visit but a mere afternoon call for
a few minutes.

Amos Kling had no Florida home; he went there
several times to stay in hotels.

It will, of course, be said that he should have
brought up his daughter better ; if so, she would never
have bought Warren Harding for a husband ; and with-
out her to pay his bills, he would have been a plain
failure and soon out of life itself. She has been what-
ever good genius he has had. She has run his cam-
paigns for him, and she has written the best speeches
he ever read. The rise of Florence Kling will remind
students of history of Theodosia, wife of Justinian, and
of Catharine de Medici in their origin and success.

The campaign for the United States Senatorship
in 1914 tells the inside of Ohio politics. Daugherty
and Harding had been getting in bad for several years ;
1914 saved them.

Until Judson Harmon became Governor of Ohio
and Timothy S. Hogan became State Attorney General
for various vicious election methods, Ohio had nothing
to learn from, and something to teach to, even the
Republican Gas Ring in Philadelphia.

Hogan now has a law office from which he can
look down upon the State Capitol of Ohio in Colum-
bus ; in ability and character, in personality, and in his
actual record until he was unhorsed by the righteous-
ness that is in him, he is one of the best men Ohio
or any other State has ever produced.

We hear much of the ignorance of the country folk
in the Appalachians. They are far away from civiliza-

89

tion; but the ignorance of many country folk in Ohio
is quite as dense. They read no papers ; they have no
books, perhaps not even a Bible; magazines are un-
known to them. They do know that there is a Govern-
ment at Washington, but its relations to themselves
are unguessed at. They do not understand the govern-
ment even of Ohio. One such county was Adams ; not
far from Cincinnati, upon the Ohio River. Here voters
were bought not "in blocks of five" as in the old days
of 1880 in Indiana, but wholesale; everyone sold his
vote. This county was not the only offender; but it
was one of the worst. Into this county Attorney Gen-
eral Hogan went and punished those who had broken
the Ohio Corrupt Practice Act, the convicted offenders
include both the bribers and the bribed. By it no one
can legally talk about politics within a certain pre-
scribed distance of the polling booth. And only the
regularly appointed officers can help even a blind
man to vote.

By convicting and securing the punishment of some
hundreds of persons, Hogan made himself hated by
politicians of all parties. He exposed too much.

In addition, he is a very brilliant speaker, and many
leaders hated him as being far abler than themselves.

And he is a Roman Catholic, There is a notion
in some parts of Ohio that a Roman Catholic is a
good deal worse than an infidel or an atheist. In some
parts of Ohio it is taught to the children that even
an Episcopalian is a Catholic and an enemy of the
Republic. To be a Roman Catholic Democrat is to
arouse a fury of resentment in some persons who pro-
fess to be disciples of Jesus Christ. But the Democrats
decided to risk the United States Senatorial campaign
in Ohio all the same upon this glorious apostle of
honest government; and Daughertj^ accepted the chal-
lenge by running Warren G. Harding against him. It

90

looked to many as though Warren was in for another
defeat; but what with the anti-Catholics, the wets, the
G. A. R., the negroes, the politicians of both parties,
the hide-bound high-tariff and stand-pat Republicans,
the race-sentimentalists who believe in race-equality
provided it does not concern their own daughters,
Daugherty proved to be the better guesser, and Warren
Harding went in in the off-year

In commenting upon this result, Professor William
Estabrook Chancellor, the white man, not the colored
man named William Chancellor who worked for the
Republicans, said in a letter to one of his friends in
New England: "You say that the election of Hard-
ing as Senator proves that he cannot have any negro
blood. Just how you figure this out I cannot under-
stand. You are a Republican and in politics. Suppose
that a brilliant Roman Catholic attorney, who hates
corporations when they are dishonest, had shown up
your party to the tune of several hundred bribers and
bribed, would you have voted for him or for a colored
man who was loyal to your party? You are yourself
a rabid race-equalitarian. You belong to the people
who voted to give the franchise to the negro because
your fathers voted for Charles Sumner. There are
400,000 negroes in Ohio. Would you have played them
double in this case? I judge not. What the vote for
Harding proved was not that he has no colored blood,
but that a majority of Buckeyes, of whom I am one by
birth, and two generations of forefathers, like a com-
placent, convenient black Republican tool better than
a fine-spirited white Democrat; and it proves nothing
else."

They now have their black man in the White House,
and after a while they will learn what this means.
That light house will prove to be a track combers lure.

It is a curious thing that in every group photograph

91

ever taken where Warren appears he has shown the
deepest color. This was commented upon even in
1914 — what does it mean? When a person has negro
color it shows in photographs because they register
depth of pigmentation. There is no way to avoid this
except to be skinned and have a new skin grafted on.

It was about 1906 when he left the Lieutenant
Governship that Warren Harding began seriously to
try to get rid of the story that he has colored blood.

Then also his father began to show some spirit in
the matter. But when Warren arrived in Washington,
he met there in the Senate several men who knew
the truth. One by one he took them aside and asked
them to keep the matter quiet, admitting its truth.
One such was Senator Atalee Pomerene, who, however,
has told many persons about the affair. Pomerene
has now given out that he will not run again in 1922
for the United States Senatorship from Ohio. He can-
not stomach the notion of serving in the Senate under
a negro President.

There are many stories about this consciousness
that they are now playing a part, both father and son.

In 1905, there was preaching in Marion a man who
is still a preacher, but now located elsewhere with both
Republicans and Democrats in his congregation. This
good man reports that one evening in the year cited.
Doctor George Tryon Harding told his wife, in a con-
versation not sought by her upon a public street corner,
that because he was a negro, he found it hard to make
a living, and asked her to ask her husband to recom-
mend h*m to the people of their church. A very close
relative of this preacher, then and now living in
Marion, says that the wife reported this to her, and
that she saw Doctor George Tryon Harding soon there-
after and that he admitted saying this, and asked her
for help. At this time, his oldest son was Lieutenant

92

Governor, and a daughter was teaching in the Marion
High School, where she still teaches.

When Professor Chancellor went first to Marion,
on the errand of trying to find out the record of this
man — he has often given public addresses there — five
high school boys, all of the same car, told him that
they always called Harding a "nigger," and his sister
also. One of these boys was himself a negro, and he
was the only one among them who was not wearing
a Cox button. As we have seen, Marion, however, went
for Harding; and we have given the reasons.

Yet the Republican Board of Education and City
School Superintendent have, since the election, named
the city high school, the Harding High School, and
thereby insulted all the white youth in attendance;
they have done more than this — they have forbidden, in
what was once free America, their teachers to discuss
the politics.

It is perfectly safe to predict that —

1. The name of the Harding High School will be
changed soon.

2. This order for silence will be rescinded soon, for
it is not only infamous, but is also detractive to the Re-
publicans themselves. It so happens that there is on
the Marion (Harding) High School staff a woman
who was Chairman of the Marion County Democratic
Committee, and who in that capacity made speeches
about the League of Nations ; of course, she knew the
truth about the color of the Hardings, and she told it.
The order forbidding her to talk politics was passed
after the election. Next time, the women of Mai-ion
County will vote Democratic because that order inter-
feres WITH THE GOD-GIVEN RIGHT 0?^ ALL
WOMEN TO TALK.

Of course, this order is contrary to the Constitu-
tion of the United States.

So was the order to seize and destroy the manu-
scripts of Professor Chancellor.

Let the Republicans fill up the cup of their in-
iquity; they Vv'iU drink it themselves. Like Haman,
they have built a gallows upon which they themselves
will be hung until they are dead, as dead as the Whig
and Federalist parties.

There lives in Marion a native-born old man, who
has been a judge of court, a cripple and an invalid in
his old age.

After the election, getting a six-foot young pro-
German, with a German name, to help him, Doctor
George Tryon Harding, cane in hand, on a public street
attacked this old man because he told exactly what
the Black Republicans had been paid to tell other Black
Republicans that the Hardings are niggers. This was
fully reported in the newspapers, even the Republican
ones, which took great delight in the anecdote.

But it made Democratic votes all the same. 1922
and 1924 Vv-ill show a come-back.

Suppose that the Republicans could silence free
speech in America, as they have gagged the press v/ith
money. Where would their own children come in?
You can stop, let our Republican neighbors understand
this, free public speech; but you can never stop mouth-
to-ear gossip and slander; but can you stop sub rosa
pamphlets ? Try it and see. What tyrants have failed
to do, the plutocracy will quickly fail in trying to do.

A gang of Republicans at night entered the office
of a rich old Democrat in Marion and stole all his
papers. He had been corresponding with other free
Americans about the negro ancestry of Warren Hard-
ing. Cannot the Democrats retaliate? Where is this
crime going to end?

Old Doctor George Tryon Harding, everyone of
whose neighbors resents his presence on their street,

94

in his interview with McClure's Magazine ended the
stuff by saying that he had some scores to settle
with those who have been lying about him. He him-
self told one of the richest Republican women in the
city that he knew that he had negro blood and that
some people said that he had Indian blood. This same
admission was made many times in the presence of
former business partners of Warren. For what is he
seeking Indian revenge? In order himself to be am-
bushed some night and taken away to some remote
cave for a few years? You reap what you sow.

Truth is that the Republicans are sowing the wind,
and that, of course, they must reap the whirlwind.

Already old Mrs. George M. Pullman has died of
the shame of the discovery that she spent two mil-
lion dollars trying to get her son-in-law chosen for the
Republican nomination. Half-Indian Jake L. Hamon
is dead in the same horrible mess. Where is this Re-
publican horror to end? They are inviting the wrath
of God.

What James I. could not kill; what cost Charles I.
his head; this is the spirit of liberty. For this Peter
Zenger, in 1735, made his fight in New York, for the
right to find and speak the truth in the fear of the
Almighty only.

Nevertheless pressed by his ambitions and by his
brunet-aged wife, Warren Harding has been trying to
convince himself that he has too little negro blood to
count. He is too ignorant to know that THE PAST IS
ADAMANT. It takes a dull man to try to change it.

In this fierce struggle in his mind, WaiTen went,
in 1915, to Washington. He was absent in the next
five years from 1300 roll calls for votes. He voted wet
when he did vote, and he voted anti-suffrage. He made
very few speeches, none of them long. Every time the
tariff was mentioned he showed some interest. There

95

are several reasons for this. He stopped what little
schooling he has experienced when he was seventeen
years old, an epoch when the school world was under
the control of high protective tariff teachers; and he
has learned nothing since. The other reason is that
the manufacturers of Marion are high protective tariff
men, and own the banks also ; he has always catered to
them in THE STAR. That is why THE STAR exists.
Every negro desires a master. He reverences the
man who can tell him what is what and how to do it;
he never asks why; that is too much for his type of
brain tissue. Who has financed his political cam-
paigns anyway?

No poorer record was ever made in the United
States Senate by a man serving five and a half years
than was made by this man ; he was merely a creature
of his creators, and not a good one in some ways at
that. But he looked well, and he prevented a free
trade Democrat from filling the place and the news-
papers also with his arguments.

While much more might be told in detail of the
record of Hardng until the political campaign of 1920,
there is nothing worth telling beyond more corrobora-
tion of the main point. He was in training, severe
training for the business of doing just what his mas-
ters of the plutocracy were to tell him as President
to do.

There were fully fifty thousand negroes in New
England at the time when the Hardings say they moved
out of Connecticut. Many other negroes also moved
out.

There are still negroes and Indians of almost pure
blood living in Caucasian clothes and according to Cau-
casian manners in New England. Proving (?) that
they came from New England does not prove that the

»6

Harding blood is all white. They evidently know
nothing- of New England.

It is quite possible that the Harding pose is a com-
bination of Indian chief and Ethiopian chief also. It
worked beautifully in the Presidential campaign of
1920. As it had also worked in the Senate.

CHAPTER IX
RACES OF MANKIND

It is wicked to assert the equality of men or of
races.

The glory of men is in that all differ — one star
differeth from another.

It is wicked to desire the amalgamation of all races ;
and only the unscientific imagine that this will ever
come to pass in America.

Climates vary too much; the original germ plasms
differ too much. Ideas differ too much. Abilities to
make livings and other adjustments to one another and
to the earth differ.

The man who believes that ultimately all Ameri-
cans will be light saffron :v ellow knows nothing of his-
torical anthropology.

The differences between men and the races of men
concern everything that man is.

Men have different gods; they have different
brains, different skins, different sense, powers, differ-
ent instincts.

The wickedness consists in denying the truth ; it
consists also in asking one man to do something be-
cause other men can do it. It relieves the great and
strong from doing what they should do for the lesser.
It is thoroughly unchristian.

There are many races, and the men of each race dif-
fer from one another.

There are in America representatives of every race
and hybrids of them all.

The so-called white race consists of brunets and

f7

98

blonds and gfi'ades between — the melanchroics, the
xanthrochroics, and the grades.

All whites have thin skins and can blush; that is,
their blood cells fill up and make them redder upon
the moment when there are strong emotions of cer-
tain kinds.

Negroes cannot blush ; nor can Indians. This does
not mean that they do not feel shame; but that they
do not show it uncontrollably.

The true negroes are all black or brown. The true
Indians are all reddish brown.

There is a typical negro head shape. There is a
typical white head shape. There is a typical red head
shape for the Indians. No pure negro has a head
shaped like the head of any white man; the same is
true of the Indian.

In America, there aie very few true negroes ; nearly
all negroes have Portugese or Spanish blood, for the
sufficient reason that the slave traders saw to it that
every negress who came into America had a half -white
child, white in the sense that the Moor or Portugese
or Spaniard is white. This is all well told in the
book on the Slave Trade by a great negro named W. E.
Burghardt Du Bois, who has negro, French, German,
Portuguese and Dutch blood. Only five per cent of
city negroes are all negro; and in the rural districts
the proportion does not rise above twenty-five per cent
anywhere.

To say in America that any colored man is all black
is a very risky thing so far as the truth is concerned ;
he probably has at least some white blood of the brunet
stocks, if not of the blond stocks.

The typical negro head is relatively long, often
fully eight and a half inches long. The white man
seldom has a head over seven and three-quarters inches
long. The negro sometimes has a head even a half-inch

&9

longer, while such a head is very, very uncommon
among white.

The typical negro head is relatively not of large
measure from the ear entrances over the forehead ; sel-
dom more than thirteen inches ; most of them measure
but twelve inches.

The white man's head is usually fourteen inches in
this measurement.

The negro has a low crown; his head seldom
measures over the crown from the ear to entrance
over thirteen inches.

The white man seldom goes under fourteen, and
often rises to fifteen and a half.

The negro has a large measurement over the back
head at its greatest, often fourteen inches; while the
white man seldom goes above this.

Under the back head of the negro measures entirely
different from the white man ; he has little or no lobes.
His back head comes to a peak in the level of the ears.
The white man has a square or round back head. Look
at Warren Harding, side view.

Here the negro comes to about nine inches, while
the white man goes to ten.

This peak is unmistakable.

Theodore Roosevelt was mainly Dutch and Kelt,
partly Huguenot French.

The friends, so-called, of Warren Harding claim
that he is also French, Dutch and Kelt-Scotch. Take
their two faces, the two front views, their two side
views, and see which is the truth.

No one imagines that Warren Harding is a black
or even a brown negro. He has china blue white eyes ;
his flatterers call them gray.

These eyes are set deep in caverns under the eye-
brows and this by analogy is not a human compliment.

100

There is typical negro body pose,
view of Warren Harding.

Look at the side

PRESIDENT WARREN GAMALIEL HARDING

In a social study more recently of Washington city
negroes and colored men, it was found that only one
in eight is self-supporting; the other seven live upon
women, their mothers, their wives, their sisters, even
their grandmothers and daughters.

101

Of these self-supporting city negroes, very few are
self-directing, and he has never supported his wife.

The buck nigger does not support any one else even
when he works.

It is when one gots into the psychic life that one
realizes the differences between races and the indi-
viduals within the same race.

Take the dominant traits.

The dominant of the red man is revenge. An-
other powerful trait inclination to do as he pleases.
But at home his squaw rules him, and hoes the com
in the garden while he hunts beasts and men. Why
does Warren Harding call his wife the Duchess

Pride and vanity consume alike the black man and
the red man ; each must save his face from the shame
of the kinds he understands. Each is a consummate
actor ; each is forever on the masquerade in public.

To work like a nigger means only to work hard
under the lash. All blacks and all reds hate work. A
humble delight in work is a trait reserved to the yellow
man rvd cl:<e white man.

Very few white men have either pride or vanity;
so ra'^'c are these traits in white men that one always
notice? and remarks them when present in individuals,
and marks them with scorn.

The negro, especially the colored man, loves words ;
he is musical and loves the sound of long words, espe-
cially those with "r" and "1" in them. But he does
not understand the meaning of words. One has but to
read the writings and speeches of Warren Harding to
see that he knows no grammar, has no rhetoric and
uses words for their mellifluousness, not for their
meanings. His message to Congress on April 11, fully
illustrates this. For instance, the impossible use of
derive, where he spoke, using derive intransitively,
without any object.

102

1. "The remaining obstacles which are the inherit-
ance of capitalistic exploitation must be removed and
labor must join management in understanding that the
public which pays * * *"

2 «<=:: * * ^jjg public to derive and simple justice
is the right and will continue to be the right of all the
people."

3. "The staggering load of war debt must be cleared
for ordinarily funding and gradual liquidation. We
shall hasten the solution and aid effectively in lifting
tax burdens if we strike resolutely an expenditure."

4. "Less of government in business as well as more
business in government."

5. "There is no challenge to honest and lawful busi-
ness success, but government approval of untrammelled
business does not mean toleration of restraint of trade
or on maintained prices by unnatural methods."

We submit here a few gems from the message of
Warren Harding to Congress when it met in special
session in April. These are all taken from a single part
of this very important document, which one Massa-
chusetts Congressman pronounced as the splendid ut-
terance of our great chief, the President, Allen T.
Treadway.

1. What the great President meant by the first sen-
tence is known only to himself. What are the people
to "derive?"

2. Since when did the grammarians permit "ordi-
narily" to be used as an adjective modifier?

3. What is it "to strike" resolutely an expenditure?

4. What is this, a sentence ?

5. The last sentence, like the first, is a meaning-
less jumble of words.

One can now tell an original production by Hard-
ing; it is a collection of more or less melodious words

103

that have no content, no grammar, and no rhetorical
propriety.

The dominant trait of a white man is love of his
own family, especially of his wife and children, but
also of his parents and other near blood kin.

Another very strong trait of the white man is
prudence, far-sightedness.

Still another is a genuine love of truth. He will
work to find the truth, the facts, the principles, for
the mere sake of knowing them.

The white man loves industry itself; he enjoys
work.

He loves property; and keeps all that he can of
what he makes.

He pities the poor, the sick, the unforunate.

One has but to think of the negro and of the In-
dian in these terms to see how wide apart the races of
men are. Neither knows pity.

There is even a difference in respect to their sex
life — all men have more or less lust. But with the
white man it results, in nearly all cases, in a passion
to possess one woman and to support her publicly — to
own her through her affections.

The white man who is typical will not marry an
unchaste woman. He may be terribly selfish about
this, but it is his race-instinct that makes him feel so.

We hear veiy much about the enormous amount of
divorce in America; but the common facts are these:
It is possible to go into whole churches and into whole
villages and not to discover among all the people there
a single case of divorce or adultery.

It is sometimes urged that everywhere there is vice
but that in some such groups this is hidden; this is
pure cynicism.

While the white man is not universally chaste be-
fore marriage, he is seldom unchaste after marriage.

104

Other traits might be enumerated to distinguish
the pure races by typical individuals.

It is sometimes said that there are no pure races.
The anthropologists know the truth. There are in
America entire families all of whose children will have
within an eighth of an inch in every measurement ex-
actly the same style of head, boys and girls alike.

Here it should be remembered that red and black
Kelts are twins, the hair color being a mere trick of
old MOTHER NATURE.

Anthropologists have taken many measurements,
even of first cousins, to find that they are almost
identically alike.

Where children in the same family differ radically,
there is evidence of hybrid origin. Here again it must
be remembered that national poltical names are mean-
ingless. There is not the slightest difference,
anthropologically, between a German Saxon and Eng-
lish Saxon; or between a German Wurttemberger and
an English Angle, for these are the same people in dif-
ferent habitats, slightly different, not enough to modify
the body or the mind.

The Keltic Pole is exactly the same as the Rhenish
Kelt and the Irish also.

Anthropology cuts under governments to realities.

Now when one comes to investigate a large fam-
ily such as the Harding kin numbering now almost or
quite one thousand descendants of old Amos Harding,
one discovers that he is dealing with mongrels, with
hybrids with mestizoes.

This is apparently a hateful thing to say; but the
people who started it were the Republicans who set out
to organize eveiy new woman colored voter for their
man, on the ground that he had negro blood. Other-
wise, it would never have reached the ears of the
scientists.

You cannot eat your cake and have it ; the price of
the vast negro vote is white investigation.

When the tissue sheets prepared by the Republicans
first went out, and the news reached New England,
those provincials imagined that William Chancellor,
Professor of Political Economics, Wooster College,
which is the exact way that some of the sheets read,
was asserting that some Harding white man had vio-
lated race ethics by perpetrating a white child upon
an unfortunate negro wench. As we have said before,
the name of the Professor of Politics who had been
also Professor of Economics at the College, was Wil-
liam Estabrook Chancellor, and the real Chancellor
who got out (or in whose name these sheets were got-
ten out) was a black negro in the Harding district.
But to proceed to the facts. This black negro desired
every one to know that all the Hardings were black;
that there was no "bar sinister" about it; that this
Warren Harding belonged to his race just as he him-
self did, and that they were all Republicans from boy-
hood up.

When, contrary to his desire, William Estabrook
Chancellor became involved in this because he would
not lie about his belief, for he believed that these
negroes were telling the truth, as indeed they were, he
soon discovered that the "bar sinister" was all a part
of the New England tradition ; that there had been in
Ohio no white Harding^ ; that what these white-colored
Hardings men had done was to take as mates the igiTor-
ant white girls of their own neighborhoods, and he
found that there had been very little bother about
marriage with any of them. They simply mated al-
most always for life. Morals were not involved save as
it is immoral to mix races, and perhaps immoral not
to have a public marrage.

In that back country they were not supporting

106

ministers or justices of the peace; they were busy-
trying to support themselves and breed children.

Now the evidences are many that all the Hardings,
descendants from Amos, have negro blood, as we have
told elsewhere. But to any anthropologist — we are
quoting here from one of the hundreds of letters that
Professor Chancellor wrote before he left for parts un-
known in order to escape the lawlessness of certain
persons nominally in the pay of the Government, but
actually the tools of plutocracy trying to defeat his
law suits — the best evidence is in the father and ten
children born to him. These TEN offspring of George
Tryon Harding II, could not have born of parents of
pure race. No one imagines that the mother was the
cause of the exceeding variety of types in this brood ;
ihe was at least nearly all white. She may possibly
have had some Indian blood, but there is no direct
evidence on this point. Any who read this must get
over the notion that most of the country people around
Blooming Grove were white people; mostly they were
colored people like the Plardings.

Of these TEN Harding children, of whom Warren
is the oldest, not eight as Warren, through Jack War-
wick would have you believe, nor five as the Republi-
cans falsely said in order to conceal the black ones from
the public gaze, some were very black, and two were
quite light, and Warren was almost as light as these
two. One finds in these TEN children all shades from
dark brown to very light yellow or lemon green or saf-
fron, for the color of the three who are most nearly
white is hard to name.

Color, though the popular means of discrimination,
is by no means the most useful means to the an-
thropologist. Mental and moral traits, physical modes
of functioning, and race consciousness count far more
than color.

107

After he grew up why did not Warren Gamaliel
Harding resent his nickname "Nig"? For the suffi-
cient reason, as he has told United States Senators,
that he is proud of having negro blood. Every man
is secretly proud of his race elements, as he ought to
be. The white man's notion that the black man envies
him is silly in itself. The black man despises him; so
does the yellow man, and so does the red man.

It is true that Warren has the eye of the white man ;
but his sister, Mary, had the dark brown eye of the
black race. Would any one accuse her mother of hav-
ing had sexual relations with any other man than her
ostensible husband? One of the children who died
was very dark.

Did Warren Harding keep his promise that he would
bring together all his family and let them be seen at
the White House, in order to satisfy the American
people on this point ? He did not. Indeed, such a course
might have had most serious consequences. His
father shows plainly in his color, his manner, his walk,
that he is partly negro. But why was not all this dis-
covered long ago? It was. The Hardings never
passed for white and never tried to do so until after the
death of Amos H. Kling in the period when Warren
was Lieutenant Governor. Not even then was there
any sudden move. Herrick would not have stood for
this. But as the family fortunes slowly improved,
Warren slowly dropped his colored kin.

At Blooming Grove, it is said, that in the past fif-
teen years, Warren has visited there but once, and
even then he passed through on a motor car tour, and
did not stop or get out of the car. His own relatives
told this to the reporters of several newspapers as well
as the friends of Professor Chancellor.

But Warren is not a pure negro. One finds in him
many mixed traits with some dominant. The Ameri-

108

can people would like to know now at the begrinning
of his administration what his dominant trait is, and
what his other influential trats are.

His dominant trait is a love of ease. He likes to
be well provided for. To have plenty to eat, plenty to
wear, warm housing, tobacco to smoke, chew and take
as snuff, for he revels in tobacco and in times past
plenty to drink, for which habit in its final stages he
was, on several occasions, treated in the private sani-
tarium of Dr. C. E. Sawyer, who has just been made
an Admiral in the United States navy, where at public
expense he will continue as Warren's private physician.
This appointment also conveniently limits unwelcome
scientific observation.

Give Harding ease and he is at peace with the
world. He cares nothing whatever how the ease is
secured. Because he loves ease, he is the perfection
of procrastination ; he hates to come to the time when
he must do something. Do-nothing would be a far
beter name for him than Harding.

His next trait is caution, which he gets not from
his Dutch ancestry but from his negro. He has no
prudence, no prevision; he never bothered to learn
geography on the notion that some day he might be
a member of the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee;
he knows nothing of international law or of ordinary
law, in the prospect that some day he might become
the head of our foreign affairs as president. But he
has caution; he looks about circumspectly. He does
nothing but waits with his eyes half open and his
ears wide open to adjust himself to the turn of affairs.
He is the typical man to whom things happen but who
is ready for them when they happen. These are jungle
traits.

He loves to appear more than what he is. This is
the negro again. He likes to be well thought of. He

109

is a born imposter, poseur, mimic, masquerador. But
he has no taste in this show. His wife has tamed down
his orig-inal love of loud clothes and loud colors.

His desire to keep out of trouble is another trait.
He can sidestep all blows. He makes no decisions that
can possibly be avoided. This trait is in subordhiation
to his male trait of love of ease, lie will move rather
than take a blow.

He hates fight ; in which respect he is no Kelt like
Andrew Jacskon ; and no Dutchman like Theodore
Roosevelt. These men loved fighting for its own sake ;
Warren hates it. He is a born pacifist.

The Phillips case illustrates his sex instincts. Mrs.
Phillips is the wife of a dry goods man in Marion, very
showy and vain, with a passon for men. Jim Phillips
is a poor little fellow who is the part owner of a store
there.

This woman has m.ade herself useful to men of a
kind. She got in with Warren, who as usual, paid no
attention to his own wife who is passee through years.

On frequent occasions, even after the nomination,
he and Mrs. Phillips visited together at Upper San-
dusky. It is said that Herrick, who knew about this,
went to Jim Phillips and offered to send both him-
self and the woman to Japan, with an income guaran-
teed monthly so long as Warren was President. It was
reported in every stage of the affair just what was
paid. The stake was $25,000 down, and $2,000 a
month. The Phillips went to Japan early in October,
but not until Mrs. Phillips, who is a very talkative
woman, had told all her friends just what she was to
receive. All that Warren said even privately was that
he could get another woman.

Some of Warren's affairs with the ladies were al-
most disastrous, as, for instance, in the case where the
police of the city of Washington were called to the

110

house of his regular lady friend to sober him up and
stitch the cuts in his back which resulted, according to
her, from a dispute over finances. Those interested
may find and read it in the police records of 1918. This
woman, who is about thirty-five years old, was never
even rebuked for this almost fatal attack upon a mem-
ber of the greatest deliberative body of the world.

This matter was given to the Democratic National
Committee by the Department of Justice and the Wash-
ington police; but the Democrats were too decent to
use it, despite the intense provocation from the
abominable stories told of Woodrow Wilson in order
to counteract the truth of this incident, which was
official.

In sex morals Warren advocates no reservations.
His marriage itself is evidence of this, for he married
a woman whom we saw in the earlier part of this book
had lived with a man and born him a child without any
marriage. It should be remembered that the marriage
was due to no delusions on either side. Only in the
sequel did it appear which had won the higher prize.

The passion to use plenty of words that sound well,
and the total inability to use them correctly is another
trait of Warren's. It is on record that he makes sen-
tences several hundred words long without any sub-
jects.

What are these psychical traits? Negro,, Portu-
guese, Dutch!

He has no thrift ; he has no sense of property ; he
has never managed business affairs. He does not keep
his own business accounts. His wife manages for him.
As in many other negro families, the woman is the
main works.

Are there any evidences of Indian blood of which
he has admitted publicly ?

in

A certain reticence and strutting pride in his big
body.

We have discussed the latter trait elsewhere.

His reticence is what has misled some people to
thinking that he has no negro blood; but here the In-
dian has mastered the black man.

It has been urged that Warren Harding cannot be
a negro because he is "no fool." Who says that the full
grown negro is a fool ? Certainly not those who know
the negro.

Not one fool in a million lives to be fifty-six years
old and to weigh two hundred pounds and to live as
master in a house that cost hundreds of thousands of
dollars. Of course, Warren Harding is not only no
fool, but he is one of the cleverest men in America.
He has put it over on 110,000,000 people.

As John D. Rockefeller is the biggest man in prop-
erty in the United States, so Warren is for four years
the biggest in government.

As to instincts he is "deep," with the depth of the
Indian, full of subterfuges and of ambush and of coun-
ter-marching. He lay in ambush and trapped the
American people.

One day he called two small children in from the
street in Marion and had himself photographed with
them as Grandpa Harding and his two gi'andchildren ;
the parents were furious, but the newspapers ran the
pictures in a thousand cities. He is a clever man.

But neither he nor Mrs. Harding love children.
They lost her child by de Wolf. They have never
adopted any other children, not even black ones.

Warren loves games of chance with all the passion
of the negro ; but he plays a good game of poker. This
is Dutch.

In a certain stage of dissolution, the black pig-
mentation of the octeroon, hexdecaroon, which about

112

measures this man, the pigment breaks into blotches;
these blotches can easily be observed on Warren's neck.

It is another trait of the thinly colored man to take
on heavy tan ; v^hen he came home from the Carribean,
all the newspapers, even the Republican ones, reported
that Harding has a very heavy coat of tropic tan; he
was swart and almost black. The same statements
were repeated when he came back from Florida. But
generally Warren resort^ as do his sisters, to cos-
metics in order to make himself look more white than
he really is.

When he was in Nashville, he had been so thor-
oughly bleached by his barber and so entirely covered
with talcum powder and rouge as to appear like a man
in a mask. His brunet wife has enameled when she
travels in order to appear a very white woman.

His sisters always wear veils in public. They carry
parasols even on cloudy days.

Of all his family of TEN brothers and sisters, only
three have married. One is almost white, the brother
in Columbus, who is said to have two children ; a second
is Mrs. Remsberg, who lives in California, and who
married a German, is said to have three children. He
is the third to marry. Two died as children. The
other five never married. Why not?

There is a club of colored millionaires in Chicago
to which only millionaire negroes whose wives are
white women can be admitted. Does his second cousin,
C. E. Harding, belong to this club ?

This is the Harding who is now having the family
genealogy revised at any cost in order to cut out all
the evidence that he and the other descendants of old
Amos Harding are all negroes in part.

This is the Harding who recently loaned a twelve-
year-old daughter to the President to live in the White
House for a while and fool the American people. She

113

appears to be a nice child, with curls. It is said that
this Harding is very close to Mrs. Georgia Harding
Hamon, who supplied a million dollars to the campaign
for the nomination.

Until he found how angry the American people
were at being fooled with regard to himself, Warren
Harding used to boast that he was a man of the future
and that in the course of time all Americans would
be mestizos like himself and the rest of the Hardings.
But where do the Puritans and Cavaliers come in from
Massachusetts and Virginia? Is Old England to have
no representation in the future American? Some of
us who have English blood will take a look into this
matter whether the Afro-American of no English
blood permits it or not.

Take the Cabinet. Hughes is a brunet Welshman,
insensitive to the color of the President.

Mellon is an Irishman. He hates the British.

Daugherty is an Irishman.

Davis is a Welshman.

Hoover is a German by ancestry.

Wallace is Scotch. So is Denby.

Fall, Hayes and Weeks appear to be Scotch-Irish.

Where is the Englishman?

Of course, it is easy to answer that they are "all
Americans". Why then the appeal to the German vote,
the Irish vote ? To every race under the canopy except
the English?

It was said in the campaign that Harding would
appoint negroes to high office. He virtually promised
this in the Oklahoma speech, and there are many
negroes angered because so far he has not seemed to
do so. But take the D. R. Crissinger matter.

Crissinger was born in Blooming Grove, and has
always been a friend of Warren's and a Democrat.
When Warren was nominated, he organized the negroes.

114

of that section for Warren. He arranged the William
Chancellor propaganda. He is now the Controller of
Currency under Plarding. Is he a white man ? Few in
Blooming Grove are white all through. He does not
look like an all-white man. Blood is thicker than water ;
is race thicker than politics ?

The law of Ohio says that the charge that a man
has negro blood is no slander. The jury in the now
famous David Butler-Amos Smith case, elsewhere told,
said it was no slander for Smith to call the wife of
Butler, a Harding, a nigger. The Constitution of the
United States makes no discrimination between races.
Why then does Warren now care? He does not care.
The whole movement to suppress the truth about
Warren is the work of the people who do not believe
in the justice and the wisdom of the pronouncement
of Harding in Oklahoma and elsewhere that no dis-
crimination should ever be made ; and Warren thereby
gets everything coming and going. He professes race
equality and practiced it in his own marriage; but he
takes the help of those who hate the notion.

There will be a showdown; the state of public
opinion in the Union demands it.

So long as instincts are registered in grey matter
called nerve tissue, and so long as the distribution and
the amount of grey matter in a brain do make a great
difference in conduct, the American people will decline
generally to endorse the notion that the negro is as
good as the white man; and will resist all contamina-
tion of a people by inferior blood.

How is to be explained then in the light of Ohio
politics that the people have taken no interest in the
fact that Warren Harding has negro blood ?

Many other negroes have served in the Ohio State
Legislature. There were two in those of Harding's
time who admitted this in their legislative directory

115

lives, and there were others who simply said nothing
about the matter.

Ohio is full of sentimentalists who believe in giving
the colored brother a chance — that is, a chance to rule
the whites. A very distinguished preacher told Pro-
fessor Chancellor, as he has reported to us in a letter
in the period before he went away, that if the white
women of the South will not receive colored men, so
much the worse for the white women.

Men of this kind are sentimentalists. It so happens
that this preacher never admits any negroes into his
church, however. He is himself but one generation
from the Old Country, which shows an important phase
of the matter.

To most foreigners, coming into the United States,
the Afro-American is a native, and because he knows
the ropes, the foreigner often finds the colored man
very helpful. The colored man plays up to him. Being
socially inferior, he delights in the implicit faith that
the "Dago" or the "Hunky" has in him. To the ignor-
ant foreigner the color is meaningless. This is espe-
cially true of the brunet foreigner in dealing with the
colored American, who may be lighter in shade than
himself.

This does not mean that the dark brunet Welshman
or Dutchman or Jew or Spaniard is lower than the
colored man ; far from it. What it means is that the
foreigner has not learned to look at the brain case of
the man, at his walk, or to consider the intelligence
with which he speaks. More than this, often the
brunet white man from Europe has married a colored
woman thinking her to be white, from which more than
one tragedy has followed under the Mendalian law.
When the colored man or woman complain of social
discrimination, the foreigner sympathizes, for to him
all social discrimination is unjust. That there ought

116

to be race discrimination is beyond his understanding.
Another factor has helped to make a mess of the deal-
ings with the negroes by foreigners. There have been
four sources of race contamination from negroes in
the history of Europe:

First, from the very earliest ages, there were emi-
grants out of Africa, mostly slaves by capture in war,
but not all. Homer in his first poem speaks of the
"blameless Ethiopians," meaning that these blacks
were so dull and ignorant that they could not be blamed
for what they did. That was three thousand years ago.
There were tens of thousands of Ethiopian slaves in
Egypt when the children of Isreal were there. These
slaves and others were constantly allowed to live every-
where among the whites; and though many of them
were eunichs, still some of them were able to produce
offspring of their own pure negro blood or mixed with
those of other slaves and occasionally with the native
free persons. This contamination greatly increased
among the Romans. And it persists to this very day
when rich and powerful men bring up from African
and Asian travels these blacks and after employing
them for a time, let them go. One of the great Medici
married a negress and the race showed the signs of it
to its very end. Alexander Dumas had negro blood;
so had Robert Browning, which is one reason why
the father of Elizabeth Barrett objected to that mar-
riage. Perhaps this is one reason also why Robert
Browning is so obscure and uses words so strangely;
there is a Browning cult that professes to get mean-
ings in Browning that no one else of common sense can
find ; there is also growing up a Harding cult likewise.

There was one mighty delivery of negroes into
Europe when Hannibal marched the Carthegiiian
troops over the Alps from Spain through F^^'V .'. into
Italy and kept them a year at Cannae ; he had negro sol-

117

diers and negro slaves with him ; and the marks of that
migration are seen in Italy to this day in the appear-
ance of the people, for these Cartheginians never went
home again. They were defeated in battle and hid
themselves in the mountains and swamps to reappear
again as peasants and slaves. He had an army of
more than a hundred thousand with many women camp
followers. In a world that had only a few millions
then, this was a proportionately very large number.

The same thing occurred when the Spaniards sent
the Armada against the British. Their quarter of a
millicr. ' .'J'oi s and soldiers were shipwrecked upon the
coasts of several countries, Holland, Scotland, Ireland;
and these people in many instances were negroes.

Worse than these cases was the keeping of hundreds
of thousands of soldiers in the Netherlands by Spain
in the period that culminated with the terrible Duke of
Alva. There are marks to this day in some parts of
the lowlands and the Rhinelands that show what negro
contamination may do. Now the only reason why the
contamination has not gone farther is because of race
instinct where these negroes went. Mostly they were
men. Mostly when they were caught they were
castrated; but in some instances they were allowed to
marry and to breed. Some of the immigrants from
Europe show the positive signs of negro blood; this
especially is true of Sicilians and of South Italians and
of the Rhineland peoples.

All such brunets, all who feel in their bones that
their color and their peculiarities are due to negro blood
have been eager to give the Afro-American a place
at the very side of the true white man in America.
They have done this in Ohio. In the last campaign
many a man and woman who passed for white and
whose origin is wholly European for hundreds of years

118

out of race sympathy voted for Warren Harding. And
he knew this as has been shown elsewhere.

But perfectly pure races did the same thing. Why
should not the Germans in America who still love Ger-
many more than the United States not support the race
contamination that this inter-marriage means? Why
should they not seek the desruction of the Americans
who are descended from the British Isles and Danish
and Scandinavian and French stocks? Very few blond
or tawny Germans themselves ever many negroes or
colored people. Why, in the competition of races should
they hesitate to back Harding and break the power of
their rivals? They believe in the long run America
is to be Germanized. Of course, to the Germans who
love our country, who are millions in number, the very
idea of race contamination as a means of destroying
British stocks is abhorrent. They also are loyal Ameri-
cans to the core.

Many Jews have supported every negro that has
run for office on the theory that it will forward the
day when Jerusalem rules the world to have America
made rotten. Good Jews realize their best hope is in
pure American institutions.

Many very poor people of all races have supported
the negro candidates, including Harding, because they
hate the successful white rich.

Now in many states the contest is without interest ;
they have few negroes to consider. Their climates or
their industries are such as not to give the negro any
real foothold. But in other states there is a profound
interest in the struggle. Ohio in the North is not favor-
able climatically for the negro; but all the state is
favorable industrially to him.

In some states the negro, though numerous, is made
into a caste and reduced to social degradation ; in such
state he is overpowered.

119

A state where he does not count because he is rare
is Massachusetts ; a state where he is in virtual slavery
yet is South Carolina. A state where the question
what to do about him is vital is Ohio.

The time had to come when Ohio and the Nation
should face the issue and it arrived last November.
We now have the issue with a negro as President in the
White House and with messages coming from that
White House that are meaningless in their content but
ominous in their force for the future. Where there
should be light and leading, there is nothing but con-
fusion.

A gross insult has been heaped upon the white peo-
ple of the South by placing this man there, but the
sycophant) sh women of the Northwest seem to be do-
ing what they can to ameliorate the social taboo upon
the present residents there.

A recent picture of a visiting delegation shows
something of the situation; the President is looking
one way and the white woman another; it is the
characteristic of the President never to look one in the
eye. This is not a black man's trait, however, it is the
trait of the thief, of the man who has looted something,
as has looted the Presidency by lying about his an-
cestors.

To the negro, the uncured primitive, lying is not
a vice but a virtue; and successful lying indicates far
more ability and therefore more merit than successful
truth-telling, which requires only memory and not
judgment or shrewdness. How is this to be reconciled
with the all-known Harding habit of reading his
speeches, both those written for him and the few pre-
pared by himself, which may easily be separated from
the others by their superiority in singular inventions of
words, grammar and rhetoric. Only Warren ever in-
vented "involvement" and "normalcy." The explana-

120

tion is that in him the primitive negro is removed
three generations back in one line and somewhat
farther in another line.

Unlike his great predecessor, McKinley, Harding is
afraid to trust himself to extemporaneous speech, be-
cause he loses his subjects and predicates, and contra-
dicts himself within a few lines.

CHAPTER X
WHAT IS THE CABINET?

Reviewing the political scene after some weeks of
the new administration, one finds that in order to un-
derstand it one must look carefully into the composi-
tion of the Cabinet, into the history of Ohio politics,
and into the history of the Presidency itself. What
has been taking place is the logical outcome of the
past. The people are not now informed as to the
inside moves nor have they been assisted in their
natural desire to get under the surface of things into
the realities of what really is theirs and of what they
are paying for, with their own money. It is not a Re-
publican notion that the Government belongs to the
people.

It is commonly supposed that the causes for the
appointment of Cabinet officers lie somewhere in some
conception of the public welfare. It will, therefore, be
profitable to look into these Cabinet positions for the
truth. Three of these positions usually attract con-
siderable attention — the Treasury, the State and the
Attorney Generalship. In the case of the present
Cabinet, they deserve much more rigid scrutiny than
they have as yet received.

The oldest in seniority, as we discover upon turn-
ing the authoritative and learned pages of the college
professors and publicists who have written upon the
subject, are State, Treasury and War. State deals
with foreign affairs and keeps all the archives of the
Nation, so far as these are stored with the treasures
of our history, including the originals of all treaties

121)

122 • ■

and laws. It is relatively unimportant in financial
charges, even now spending of this wild currency, un-
harnessed from gold, which is the only money, but
eight or nine millions of dollars a year. But the Secre-
tary of State does manage the Nation as a whole un-
der the President, of course, in respect to war and
peace ; and in case of the demise of both President and
Vice-President, would succeed to the Presidency itself.
To the world outside of America, he is our greatest
man, none other officer excepted. In almost every
other government among civilized nations, this office
would be accounted as the Prime Ministry itself. In
social prestige, the State Department leads because
the Secretary meets all the foreign ambassadors and
ministers, including those from lands with kings, nobil-
ity and aristocracy, at social functions delightful to
rich Americans and tufthunters upon equal terms. The
women make the Department of State the first in
sanding; few women are really democratic.

According to the newspapers, with their carefully
schooled reports, the reasons that forced the appoint-
ment of Charles Evans Hughes were as follows, viz. :

1. The administration needed for its chief secretary
a man in whom the people had confidence, though just
what "people" was not specified. On this basis, only
two names were considered by the Cabinet makers —
those of Hughes and of Elihu Root. There were many
objections to Mr. Root; he had been in several Cabinets
before and was far past three score years and ten.
He had very much a mind of his own ; and at heart
was FOR the League of Nations.

2. He was very rich and had great wealth in to-
bacco enterprises, especially cigarettes; and the com-
mon people regarded him as essentially an agent of
corporate property.

3. Mr. Hughes had been a very successful law

123

teacher, a very successful investigator of public
scandals, a fairly successful governor, a highly credit-
able member of the United States Supreme Court; al-
most the winner of the Presidency when candidate upon
the Republican ticket in 1916 ; and in the very recent
years a very successful lawyer with inclinations to-
ward honesty and toward fair treatment of labor and
of those who claimed the right of free speech.

In truth, the moral position of Mr. Hughes is that
of a lawyer trained in the principles of Blackstone
and of the old individual freedom. He is a good man
with a mind furnished with the notions of a hundred
years ago. That he charged the miners of Indiana,
according to report, $150,000 but goes to show his
moral position. He sold himself to them at a fair price,
as great lawyers do, and he gave them value. He is
not a philanthropist ; nor as a lawyer does he play the
part of Robin Hood, getting big fees from the rich and
turning about and helping the poor freely. He is the
very opposite of Robert G. Ingersoll, and, doubtless,
congratulates himself thereon.

Personally, Secretary Hughes is reticent, modest,
polite, intellectual, aloof, judicious, fair-minded, dili-
gent, even-tempored, refined. In tastes he is domestic,
and he loves music, playing a small organ and sing-
ing with his family in hours of leisure.

But to imagine that these were the moving con-
siderations for his choice as the first man under the
new chief is to give evidence that one is really "out of
politics," for one then would disclose that one had no
politics inside himself.

The new President is a Baptist, the first of his de-
nomination to become the head of Government. Not
only is Charles Evans Hughes a Baptist, but he is also
the foremost Baptist layman in America, not excepting
even the Rockefellers themselves, for he has been the

124

Moderator of the Baptist national meetings and in
other offices and services has made himself their main
layman. What he says goes in a denomination of
many millions.

2. OIL is the key to this political phase; always
in American politics, the speculative business man,
by getting behind a candidate, puts him across. Oil
went behind the Republican candidate, as the protective
tariff men and the bankers got behind even Abraham
Lincoln in 1860 and 1864. There is nothing wicked
in this in itself; the speculative business man has the
right to vote for his own pocket. But oil is Rocke-
feller. The Rockefeller interests desired righteous oil
to win rather than unrighteousness tobacco as leader
before the world. There is oil to be had elsewhere
than in the United States, and the State Department
should have the right views on oil.

3. It so happens that the Pulitizer Estate owns two
great Democratic newspapers, the New York World
and the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, and these two papers
and others all led with them were the only ones that
were fair to Professor William Estabrook Chancellor in
the effort that he had made to get all the peculiar
facts of the Harding ancestry studied by the American
people. Moreover, the World had some special in-
vestigators out even after the election to look into
all the facts. THE WORLD is an organ of public
opinion that volues the truth. It also so happens that
Charles Evans Hughes has very close connections with
the Pulitzer Estate due to the will of Joseph Pulitzer
himself, and unless common reports err, he has been
drawing the not inconsiderable salary of $36,000 a year
as the paid trustee and legal counsel of that estate ever
since the death of Mr. Pulizer. Reports on this point
may be in error, but the fact that the Pulitzer heirs
are tied up to Mr. Hughes is well known. The appoint-

125

men of Mr. Hughes would not in itself control the edi-
torial opinion of those great newspapers, but since his
appointment, the entire public that knows anyhing
about newspapers knows that the edge of hostility to
Mr. Hughes and to the Administration is off. The edi-
torial and the reportorial staffs of newspapers owned
by rich nien are not wholely free, and no man of sense
supposes that they can be free. Moreover, the search
into the records of the Harding ancestry by that paper
ceased after the announcement of the appointment of
Mr. Hughes. To capture the two best organs of the
Democratic party by one appointment was a very
shrewd move. They remain nominally Democratic, of
course. What in the way of awkward situations for
Mr. Hughes may yet develop remains to be seen. He
is not the owner of the properties; and the heirs are
not at heart Republicans.

4. A fourth real cause for the appointment of Mr.
Hughes was to weight the Cabinet against other per-
sons who were to be in it; to draw the herring across
the trail ; to put up a smoke screen.

Nevertheless, Mr. Hughes is a sizable man, a credit
to the Republicans, at least 75 or 80 per cent of what
the Secretary of State should be; he is not a Webster
or a John Hay; but he is on the whole satisfactory.
Though neither energetic nor affable, neither scholarly
nor profound, yet he merits classification as at least a
Cabinet star of the second magnitude; the entire visi-
bles being stars of six magnitudes. Some think that
big men are again grooming Hughes for the Presidency

Consider the case of Secretary Mellon of the Treas-
ury ; he was forced upon the President by Senator Boies
Penrose, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Mellon is the richest
man who ever drew a salary from the United States
Government, richer than any Senator has ever been,
even Senator Clark, of Montana, the copper king. No

126

one knows what he is worth, nor could even himself
find out. He is too rich to make it worth while to esti-
mate his wealth unless one is looking for his income
tax returns. Like every active plutocrat in business,
Mr. Mellon is richer some years than others. He was
born rich, for his father made a great fortune. He has
increased this fortune many times. He may be worth
$200,000,000.

The Mellon National Bank of Pittsburgh is one of
the greatest of all the Standard Oil Banks of America.
OIL spoke and Mellon went in. Almost three score
and ten years of age, Mr. Mellon is a very great master
of American business. He is a steel king himself.

Tn his defenses, to justify his appointment, it was
said that no money will be wasted by the National
Government while "Andy" Mellon is Treasury chief;
but this statement assumes that the head of the Treas-
ury controls the money affairs of the Nation, which is
absurd. Of course, the influence of any plutocrat of
his type would be for economy ; but it will be influence
only. A Government that spends four billions of dol-
lars a year cannot be much influenced by any one
officer of the executive branch.

What Mr. Mellon will do is to preserve the present
money system by which banks get twice as much paper
as they hold gold in reserve while it is illegal for any
private citizen to have gold. This means that where
a bank has five millions in gold, it may lend out ten
millions of paper instead and of getting interest on fiv«
millions, which would be (say) $300,000 a year, get-
ting (say) $600,000, which is very nice for the stock-
holder of big banks authorized to issue the wild cur-
rency known as FEDERAL RESERVE notes.

Personally, Mr. Mellon is a philanthropist; giving
away vast sums of money every year. He has been,
of course, a lifelong friend of both J. Pierpont Morgans

127

of New York and London. He is almost as rich as
either of them was or is. He is morally a very good
man according to the individualist scheme of things.
He is shy, reticent, quiet, self-effacing, diligent,
gloomy, patient, wise, far-sighted, far, very far, beyond
most men. That he plays a gentleman's game of
poker, he does not "bet a million" after the fashion
of the late John W. Gates, was no objection to him on
the part of the best poker player of Marion, and should
not be any objection to him from anyone else. It is his
only sport.

Yet, because he has had no public experience in
office and is by no means a statesman, he must be
ranked as a star of the second magnitude. He is no
Alexander Hamilton or Albert Gallatin or William G.
McAdoo.

The third appointment of importance was that of
Harry M. Daugherty to be Attorney General. This is
the most criticized and the most censured of all the
appointments. It is purely personal. Elsewhere we
have recounted the story of Ohio politics, which in-
cludes the story of Mr. Daugherty. Here it is enough
to say that he is a business-getting lawyer. He knows
how to go out and get suits and clients while his part-
ners furnish the law service. During the World War,
he and others built an envelope factory and got a con-
tract to make envelopes for the Post Office Depart-
ment. This contract with the factory he sold to Day-
ton envelope makers for just twice what the facory
cost him, giving him a profit of $300,000. How much
of that he could keep for himself is unkwnown. No one
ever accused him of being a book-learned lawyer. He
has been a very shrewd party politician all these years.
He made Senator and President Harding. He has long
been his political Mentor; and in that he has made

128

good. He is an Irishman, of course, like Mr. Mellon,
and he is vindictive against his political opponents.

He is the "star of bale" in this Cabinet, and he may
prove the ruin of the man whom he has used so skil-
fully. He remembers both his friends and his enemies,
which is bad for a man who has so much power as
the Attorney General necessarily possesses. He is
"the wettest of the wets." If he develops a sense
of scrupulous honesty, it will be a miracle of regenera-
tion. The best that can be made of the matter is to sayi
that the American people had full warning before the
election in the columns of various papers.

There is a notion that a President has the right to
pay his political debts by putting his lifelong friends
into high places. It is a thoroughly wicked notion.

Believing what he does and cherishing his natural
instincts to reward and to punish by using the Gov-
ernment itself to advance his own cause, Mr. Daugh-
erty is a danger to the freedom of many individual
Americans. With him, America becomes a land not of
laws but of men. With a few more Irishmen like him
— which many Irishmen are not — this country would
become another Ireland, and the peace of our homes
would be turned into chaos and fued.
He also is a poker player.

As the foundation for the Cabinet, we have, then,
two stars of the second magnitude, and one star of bale.
The other members of the Cabinet are:

John W. Weeks War

Edwin Denby Navy

Hency C. Wallace Agriculture

Albert B. Fall Interior

James J. Davis Labor

Will H. Hays Postoffice

Herbert C. Hoover Commerce

Secretary Weeks is a millionaire banker. He was

129

put in because he represents Massachusetts and there-
fore Multi-millionaire Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, the
personal enemy of Woodrow Wilson ; and because he is
very rich ; and in sympathy with the Federal Reserve
bloating of the currency. He s a star of the sixth
magnitude. Of course, he has executive ability, and
equally, of course, he is no statesman at all.

Edwin Denby is of higher material. He is a thor-
oughly trained man of affairs, a millionaire, very re-
actonary but very much of a patriot all the same. He
had the personal courage to go into the fighting zone in
the naval service, begining as a marine, though well
past forty years old then. He ranks as a star of the
third or fourth magnitude. He was put in partly to
catch the Loyal Legion men; but mainly because he
belongs to the Truman H. Newberry wing of the Re-
publican party in Michigan. Newberry is the multi-
millionaire who defeated Henry Ford by spending a
million dollars for the election. Was adjudged guilty
in court, but who is too rich to be punished or even
put out of the Senate. Denby's father was Minister
to China, and he is himself well informed regarding
the Far East.

Secretary Wallace is a man of personal charm, a
millionaire, a forward looking man, an agricultural
statesman, tinctured by some false notions of
economics, such as price-fixing, but not withstanding
this, very much of an asset to the Administration, a
growing man. He is a star of the second magnitude
or third. Unfortunately, he will not bear much weight
against other elements in the Cabinet.

Next to Daugherty among the objectionables is Al-
bert B. Fall, whose relation to the supporting situation
has been recounted in the chapter upon the Hamon
case. Fall is in OIL. No one knows how rich he is;
by some he is styled a millionaire, which is doubtful.

He has been a war-with-Mexico jingo for many a year.
Temperamentally, he is unsound. He has no guiding
and controlling principles of action ; but is the natural
agent for the forces in whatever environment he may
have about him. He thinks that Mexico vi'ill never be
safe for American plutocrats until an American army
has taught the Mexicans respect for American rights.
He is, therefore, a natural imperialist. There is Oil as
well as COPPER and SILVER in Mexico. He is a sec-
ond star of bale.

If we have a war with Mexico, we may charge it to
Secretary Fall and the Multissimomillionaire William
Randolph Hearst. Fall is in the Cabinet to prepare the
war for the lords of metals and petroleum.

Will H. Hayes is a nice lad who organized the nation
for the Republicans by spreading agents provocateurs
to lie about all the Democrats, especially about Wood-
row Wilson and James M. Cox. He is suave, neat, a
Presbyterian elder, a very handy clerk to the great.
He has no intelligence, no sense of the public welfare,
no ethics beyond small personal matters such as not
swearing or playing poker. He has been put in to
change as many postmasters as possible from Demo-
crats to Republicans.

As the monkey who was put forward to do the dirty
work of the Republicans, Hayes was apt. But he is not
dangerous to the public welfare because he is not in-
telligent and willful enough to do anything alone.
When he talks of ''the NigKts of Labor" in the P. O.
Department, he is fooling only himself.

He is a very small star of bale.

One wonders how some men ever arrive ; among
such is the case of Secretary Davis, once a miner with
a union card, now a millionaire and the national or-
ganizer of a great secret order. He is nobody. He can
do nothing for the department ; he has no views on pub-

131

lie matters ; he fills in nicely. In such a Cabinet a real
labor man would be as unhappy as a colored gentleman
alone on an iceberg in the Arctics.

Last is Herbert C. Hoover, who might have been
President, and who is playing now for the Presidency.

There were two reasons for naming Mr. Hoover,
real reasons. He owns THE WASHINGTON HERALD,
a small morning daily in the National Capital ; that is,
he owns the realty. The Noyes family owns the fran-
chise of all four Washington papers ; and the family is
Republican, voting in Maryland, for the people of the
District of Columbia have no votes.

This gives the Administration directly a Washing-
ton organ. Of course, Hughes is very close to two
papers as we have seen, and Mellon is very close to the
great Pittsburg GAZETTE-TIMES, which is owned by
close business associates. Some other men have news-
paper interests; but Secretary Hoover actually does
own the HERALD.

The other reason is that public opinion requires a
strong disinfectant in the Cabinet. Mr. Hoover has
some false notions, such as the desirability of "export-
ing capital" from America to help the rest of the world,
which, of course, only means that the labor of the poor
in our land shall be exploited to help our plutocrats
conquer the earth.

But even the sun has spots; and Mr. Hoover has
shown in many fields superb executive abilities, a
warm heart for all men, a tremendous talent for get-
ting people together and, in short, genius. He is a
star of the first magnitude — on next to the poorest
ARC of the Cabinet horizon ; but he was too decent to
decline. He should have been either Secretary of State
or of the Interior or of the Treasury. He turned to
Harding, and if he had not turned to him, who knows
what the result might not have been?

132

But individualities are not in themselves much;
the real question is what groups and cliques will form
in the Cabinet, which is already apparent.

Group 1 — Hughes, Wallace, Hoover.

Croup 2 — Daugherty, Hays, Fall.

Group 3 — Denby, Weeks, Mellon, Davis.

Mellon will, therefore, hold the balance of power,
because of the size of his group and of his own prestige
with it.

From their past records as the world viewed them
these men ranked before they went into the Cabinet
like this:

1. Hoover

2. Hughes — High

3. Mellon

4. Wallace

5. Denby _p^.^

6. Weeks

7. Davis

8. Hays

9. Fall
10. Daugherty

But like all men, they had their records to make
when they got together and into their new lines.

When men do get together, strange things result
from the social relationships that come to pass from
personal likes and dislikes.

A srong illustration of this was the bitter political
enmities of Cannon and Clark; but they happened to
like one another and personally were on very friendly
terms, when they could forget politics. Publicly, they
said terrible things about one another; but privately
they often hobnobbed together. This does not nean
that they framed up deals against the world t help
one another politically. Far from it. Thev ..nder-

— All below par as undesir-
ables, pernicious.

18S

stood that they were enemies, and yet they had friendly
feelings through it all.

It is impossible that men like Hoover and Daugherty
ever could agree on much of anything political; they
are as far apart as the Equator and North Pole. But
even so, it is within the limits of possibility that they
may become personal friends, though very unlikely.

What is impossible is that Hughes will ever be the
warm personal friend of anyone in the Cabinet. He
will not be the center of a Cabinet family. Mellon also
is a PBrson aioof from all others in that group. Nor
can President Harding hmself become the center, for
no President can forget that these secretaries are
clerk.< only. They are irresponsible to the public.
Whatever they do, he must stand for, or fire them.

Weeks also belongs to this aloof and superior type
of person, who is never a bond of union. Wallace is
not a man of strong will power. If the Cabinet ever
does come together, it will be through Hoover, or pos-
sibly Denby. Hays is laughed at quietly behind the
scenes. Davis is nobody at all. Daugherty is the low-
est of them all in character, and they all know it. Fall
is not much better.

The question, therefore, is — How will the Cabinet
function ?

As a three-group affair, it must fail.

The question becomes that which is already sug-
gested — which way will Mellon turn those who
naturally are with him? Will he join the Hoover
group, or the Daugherty group?

For Mellon to go with Hoover means that
Daugherty will have to get out, as some years ago
Ballinger had to quit the Taft Cabinet as an impos-
sible. Ballinger, of Washington, had too noisome a
past; Belknap in the days of Grant was a very heavy

ir,4

load. A century ago, George Washington had to drop
a man for the same reason.

Even so, Harding will have paid his political debt
to Daugherty.

But if Mellon decides to be practical, then he will
go with Daugherty ; and Hughes will face the question
whether or not a man is known by the company he
keeps. Hughes is the titular head. With a majority
against him, he would be out of face.

Weeks will incline to go with Daugherty; but
Denby may hesitate. Either, however, will follow Mel-
lon, the plutocrat.

The vast power of private wealth will steadily force
Mellon to the front, and it may be that friction will
result.

In respect to their private fortunes, the general
opinion is that Hoover is second in wealth ; but
whether he is worth five millions or fifteen, no one
knows.

Next comes Weeks, with several millions.

Denby is probably fourth in respect to private
estate.

Davis, Hughes and Wallace are commonly supposed
to be in the millionaire class.

No Chairman of a Republican National Committee
needs to remain poor. But what Hays has now is un-
known to the public. Daugherty is supposed to be
worth less than a hundred thousand dollars in the pres-
ent Cabinet; he is unknown to the public. Possibly,
Hays is in this class.

The total wealth of the Cabinet is, of course, by
far the greatest, many times as great as any other.
Even leaving out Mellon, one learns that the Cabinet is
a bunch of very rich men. Most Cabinets are made
up of poor men. This is the Cabinet of millionaires.
Certainly five are millionaires, and two are multi-

136

millionaires. How rich will they be if they serve four
years ?

It is unpleasant to think of a man like Daugherty in
a position to exercise selfish use of power. The Ai-
torney General can set loose tremendous forces. Noth-
ing in the record of this man inspires confidence that
he will not play the game to help the rich and to help
himself. But which of the rich will he favor? To
be rich is to be a contestant with many other rich men
to gain more wealth or at least to hold one's own.

Suppose that a poor man, suppose that a poor col-
lege professor exposes or gets in the way of a man
like Daugherty? What will happen to him? To his
mail ? To his personal freedom ? Suppose that a news-
paper should undertake to oppose this bunch? Would
Hughes be of any avail to them ? Hughes is set aside
for international affairs. Daugherty and Hays and
Fall will manage the domestic matters, the sources
of supply, the enemies of the plutocracy.

Hughes is no Andrew Jackson to accumulate wrath
unto a day of wrath and outbreak. What is Hoover,
next to the tail-ender in the Cabinet. And he is too
rich to see the world and human life just as the poor
man seeking to be free sees it.

The great game of liquidating wages goes on: this
means the reduction of wage-earners to virtual slavery,
if the wage-earner is ruined, what will become of the
retail merchant, the pastor, the teacher, the lawyer?
Even the physician and the journalist cannot live in a
mendicant world.

With such a Cabinet, one wonders what kind of a
new Supreme Court, President Harding and the United
States Senate intend to create after the very old men
go, as five of them should already be gone ?

Will "Injunction Bill" Taft be paid for allowing the

1S6

League to be defeated by being made Chief Justice? If
so, how will that help labor and the oppressed?

The Republicans pronounce this "a great Cabinet;"
it is great — for their purposes of forwarding the day
when the plutocrats will snap their fingers at the labor-
ing people and say safely, "Take it, or leave it and
starve to death." An empire like that of the latter
days of Rome marches on.

This Harding Cabinet is a reflex, of course, of the
confused, unprincipled mind of the man himself. It
contains good and evil unbalanced.

In age, it is excessive. Several are sixty and over.
It is a Cabinet of OLD MEN.

Kipling once wrote of them, "They will take up the
ropes that constrained their youth to bind on their chil-
dren's hands. They will call to the waters below the
bridges to return and replenish the land ; they will har-
ness horses, Death's pale horses, and scholarly plow
the sands."

But Kipling did not know these Old Men, these El-
der Statesmen of America. They are working for
their own interests. Their game is to keep whatever
for the past they can and to stop all the progress into
a fairer world from happening, that they can.

Their god is Personal Success. Their country is
the country of the rich.

THE WANDERERS

From city unto city, Homer, the sweet singer, begged

his bread.
Because he told the living the songs of heroes who

were dead.

Pure Dante, fate-announcer, went on exile for his God ;
He ate their salt at others tables, and on their stairs
he trod.

137

"Oh, beggars, be damned!" so say the lords of power

and fear and food,
They left our country for our obedient country's good.

In brutal foolishness, we tramp the hearth-fires of the

sages out;
Comes patient Time, and puts the furious multitudes

to rout.

Whom the fathers thought but "madmen" in their own

dark night.
The children crown immortal on radiant thrones of

light.

They hated the lords of ill-got wealth and pitied
poverty ;

They fought the cruel legal lawless and loved the tran-
quil free.

Who were "the just made perfect?" The starved or

jailed, exiled or maimed,
The quarry of kings dungeoned, slain by cross or fire,

or ashamed.

Behold! The Son of Man no place had to lay His

sovereign head —
Beyond the Gates of Pearl, He rules the living and

the dead.

They yielded up the Present to make the Future theirs,

and saw
From far the glory of the shining of the moral law.

Now this is the Law forever — Only the best shall rule.
And all the good shall be happy from Yuletide unto
Yule.

What the country of free Americans needs are two
PROCLAMATIONS upon every billboard and at every
crossroad.

138

Proclamation 1.— INVITATION.

Let the rich come to the Executive Departments
and let us, the rich, do business with them. What
rich? Well, the protective tariff manufacturers espe-
cially, and the OIL men. We are rich, and we know
how you feel. Be at home in Washington.

Proclamation 2.— WARNING.

Let the rich who are importers and exporters or
international bankers, except the Morgans, stay away
from Washington. Let the rich who manufacture in
open competition with the world stay away. Let the
rich who are merchants or landowners stay away. And
let all the poor and most of the middle class stay away.
This is not your day. Let the little bankers also stay
away. Yours is to play our game for us, and profess
to like it.

But where is Warren Gamaliel Harding in all this?
Where has he always been? He is ready with the rub-
ber stamp just behind the scenes. He is Warren Yea-
and-Nay-and-Wait till someone else makes up my mind
for me.

Much has been said about the importance of geo-
graphical distribution of Cabinet members. In this
Cabinet —

Pennsylvania has two, Mellon and Davis.

New York has one, Hughes.

Massachusetts has one. Weeks.

Ohio has one, Daugherty.

Indiana has one. Hays.

Arizona has one. Fall.

California has one. Hoover.

Iowa has one, Wallace.

Michigan has one, Denby.

Massachusetts, however, has Speaker Gillett, of
the House of Representatives. A poor man is worse
off in Massachusetts than in any other American State.

139

A creditor can seize even the beefsteak off his table
or the clock on his wall, for debt or even claim of debt.
The poor are slaves, white slaves, there.

But Mellon, Davis, Hays and Fall all mean Boies
Penrose — Weeks and Denby mean Henry Cabot Lodge.

Only Hughes, Hoover and Wallace mean themselves.
And of these Hoover in no sense represents California
interests, for he is both a patriot and internationalist.
Senator Hiram Johnson hates him. It is an unfortu-
nate animosity, for Johnson is far from the worst of
the Republicans.

Hughes never was a leader, thugh he has often
four-flushed trying to lead. Hoover is a leader, and
he has four-flushed but once so far in his life. But
when did the haunch of the dog ever select his course?
Davis is the tail of the Cabinet, the mixer and the
jollier for that plotting group.

For seriousness, for gloom that actually dulls the
knife that is used to try to cut it, where could we turn
and get more of this than in Hughes and Mellon?
There are but two really genial souls unafraid of any-
one else, glad to welcome the next fellow in this lot —
Davis and Wallace. Even Hoover likes to hide away
with a few papers and statistics and frame up his plans
alone. Hays passes for a mixer, but he mixes with
rich and stand-pat Republicans only. As for Warren
himself, whoever saw him in a crowd anywhere than
hidden away from too close a view — if he could ar-
range it?

As for being spendthrift hosts at public functions,
not these millionaires. They are one and all thrifty,
even those who inherited wealth — Mellon, Weeks and
Denby. This is perhaps well.

To understand this Cabinet, one must understand
Daugherty ; and to understand him, which he does not
desire, one must understand Ohio politics.

140

CHAPTER XI
OHIO POLITICAL HISTORY

Ohio is the most political State in the Union. In
Ohio, politics is the real religion. More persons talk
politics in Oho per thousand of the population (and
they talk politics longer and with more acerbity) than
in any other State. Everything in Ohio gives way to
this first interest. If there were anything in the
notion that public interest insures honesty and honor
in politics, then Ohio would be the cleanest State in
the Union. Of course, it is not the worst State, be-
cause in Ohio there is a fight between the two great
parties for supremacy, and while in general the Repub-
licans have been the winners, yet there have been
enough Democratic periods to keep the war very much
alive.

In Ohio, the Republicans start with two enormous
groups behind them — all the negroes and most of the
Grand Army of the Republic, who, until recent years,
have polled a very heavy vote. The negroes number
now about 400,000 of persons with race-consciousness
and class-consciousness that they have colored blood.
This means that they make one-twelfth of the popu-
lation. In Columbus, they now number fully 45,000 in
a population of 327,000. Of course, many negroes are
members of the G. A. R., which vote accounted for
about a quarter of a million until recently. Occasion-
ally, when a colored man loses race-consciousness and
class-consciousness, he may vote the Democratic
ticket. In truth, there is no better camouflage for the
light-colored negro who intends to "cross the line and

141

become white" than to become an open and ardent
Democrat in some part of the State where his history-
is unknown.

When a party can count certainly upon fully one-
eighth of the entire population as its own, it has to
win only three-eighths more in order to establish itself
in power.

The Democratic party has had as its center the
War Copperheads, who thought that blood should not
be spilled to keep the South in the Union. This ele-
ment was small always.

For its economic composition, Ohio has a rural and
a city distribution — fishermen on the lake, miners in
the East and South, farmers everywhere, a wonderful
development of railroads, surpassed by no other State
in the Union in distribution per square mile, and six
large cities, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Toledo, Akron,
Dayton and Columbus, third in point of numbers, at
the very center. These are both industrial and com-
mercial cities. The manufactures of Ohio run mostly
in the metals rather than in textiles or paper.

In the years of the life of Warren Harding, Ohio
has undergone a transformation from being mainly
rural to being mainly urban. The ealier elements in
the population were these, viz. :

In the North, New England settlers, largely from
Connecticut.

In the South, Virginia settlers.
In the middle sections, these were infiltrated by
the Pennsylvania Dutch.

At various points, there were Germans, such as
Cincinnati and the Miami Valley, and in the middle
counties.

The last part of the State to be settled was the
northwest, including the marvellously rich Maumee

142

Valley, which was very densely wooded and was and
yet is swampy.

But sixty years since the Civl War began have
changed the scene. The New England element has
spread everywhere, though but thinly, for the fam-
ilies are small.

The old German element has prospered and spread
very widely, but has tended to spread not as single
families but in groups and communities or wards of
cities. For practical purposes, except in respect to the
names, this old German element does not differ from
the Anglo-Saxon New England and Virtinia elements.
It has, however, been reinforced by new German
streams, some of which has tended to weaken their
love of liberty.

In greatest part, the Virginia element has stayed
in the south of the State. Great numbers of negroes
and colored people have come in from the South. They
have had but small families and poor success, but they
have persisted in the immigration none the less. The
climate of the State in the north is ill-adapted to the
negro constitution.

Tens of thousands have come from the Old World —
Ohio is a favorite point for Hungarians, Poles, Italians,
Russian Jews, Greeks, but not for Scandinavians,
Dutch, English, Irish, or the other peoples that in such
numbers have come across the seas to try their for-
tunes in the New World.

There is a new Ohio — Industrial, urban, disorderly,
ignorant, unambitious, inferior.

Unfortunately, the rural districts in many parts of
the State have fallen into intellectual and moral de-
cay hrough losing their ablest men and women to the
cities ; they lack their normal leaders born among them
and familiar with their desires and notions. Rural
Ohio is no longer full of reading people.

143

Three-quarters of all the college and university-
students of the State come from the cities and towns
from four thousand to one hundred thousand in popula-
tion, and not from the thinly settled rural districts or
from the six great cities.

This change from the old intellectual and moral
Ohio to the present social state has been attended by
some very severe political struggles.

The first that may perhaps be mentioned is the
struggle between the CITIES and the RURAL DIS-
TRICTS, or FARMERS. This has been chiefly a strug-
gle over taxes. The farmers have claimed that the
cities have all the moneys and they have the most
of the taxes. Of course, because the cities have the
banks, they have control of the credits.

The second struggle has been between Cleveland
and Cincinnati. Fifty years ago Cincinnati was the
great city ; now Cleveland has almost doubled the popu-
lation.

The third struggle has been between the *'drys"
and the "wets."

The fourth struggle has been between the corpora-
tions and the citizens who have little or no corporate
properties or claims.

A fifth struggle has been between old forms of
wealth for the older elements in the population and
the new forms of wealth ; lands against paper
securities.

A sixth struggle has been between the men who
could vote and the women who could not.

A seventh struggle has been between the old fam-
ilies and the new immigrants.

All these struggles have registered themselves at
the polls and in the State Legislature.

It was in 1899 that Warren Harding broke into
Ohio State politics. Daugherty was already known

144

then; for he is half a dozen years older than the man
whom he has made, and he began at an earlier age.

The Governors of Ohio since that time have been
as follows, viz.:

George K. Nash, Myron T. Herrick, John M. Patti-
son (died in office), Andrew D. Harris, Judson Har-
mon, James M. Cox, Frank B. Willis, Cox again, Harry
L. Davis (now in office) .

Nash was a lawyer and a politician. He was part
and parcel of the Hanna-Dick-Daugherty machine
which was at bitter enemity with the Foraker-George
B. Cox-Bushnell machine.

Hanna was a Cleveland steamboat and steel man,
who made a great fortune, was amazingly energetic,
fought Tom L. Johnson in Cleveland, put William Mc-
Kinley into the White House, loaned to him enough
money to pay his unfortunate business debts, and
owned him body, soul and breeches, so that McKinley
never named a man to office until Hanna had told him
to do it, and finally bribed his way through the Ohio
Legislatui'e and became a Senator of the United States.
He was a bitter, violent enemy of Theodore Roosevelt,
and a warm personal friend of many of the vilest
men and women in the part of the United States that
he knew. Fortunately, he died at a compartively early
age, in 1904, and by being cleared away, left some op-
portunity for Roosevelt, when President, to get some
good work done. He is the father of Dan R. Hanna,
who owns the CLEVELAND NEWS, and is now di-
vorced from his fourth wife; and also of Ruth Hanna
McCormick, wife of United States Senator Medill Mc-
Cormick, of Illinois, who is one of the owners of the
CHICAGO TRIBUNE, said by itself to be "the great-
est newspaper in the world," perfectly correct, though
not unpatriotic a paper that fights Mayor William
Hale Thompson of Chicago, millionaire boss of that

145

city, and now also of the State of Illinois ; is not utterly
hopeless as a moral agency.

Hanna was not quite the worst man that American
politics has put forward; Burr was worse. Nor was
William McKinley the worst or even weakest Presi-
dent whom we have had; in truth, he ranks well when
compared with some. He was at least a gentleman by
instinct. Hanna made him.

Who is the Hanna of Harding? He says that he
desires to follow in the footsteps of the Martyr Mc-
Kinley. God forbid that he should be required to fol-
low all the way-

Hanna was "wet." He was a bulldozer; he was
corrupt to the center ; but he had intelligence and fore-
sight and vigor. Like Boss Croker, he worked all the
time for his own pocket. But he was an abler man far
than the Tammany boss.

Dick was a machine man from Akron, who became
United States Senator, an untiring worker for the Re-
publican party, sometimes well-to-do, sometimes poor
from bad business ventures. He was a man of but
little natural ability. He was the typical party politi-
cal worker.

Daugherty was the Columbus part of this machine ;
a man who knew the State Capital, and also worked
hard for the party. He spent Hanna's money for him
skilfully and hid the work well enough for the time
being.

Foraker was the Cincinnati lawyer, a Standard Oil
man, an orator, who had been Governor of the State in
times past. He was always known as the leader of
this negro vote, though himself a white man. He be-
came United States Senator, and on the floor of Con-
gress and in the lobbies and in the departments, he
spent much time working for his various clients, per-
sonal and corporate. He was a natural born worker

146

for his friends, whether the public benefited thereby
or not. He became rich through corrupt methods, but
finally, through the efforts of Theodore Roosevelt and
of William Randolph Hearst, he lost his seat in the
Senate. It was a strange alliance, denied by both per-
sons, but effective nonetheless. Hanna always claimed
that Hearst aroused the enmity of the people against
McKinley through attacks upon himself in order that
Roosevelt might become President — a claim that en-
raged Roosevelt.

The frightful cartoons of Davenport against Hanna
in the Hearst papers were cited as the moving cause
of the murder of McKinley by Czolgoez in 1901. If big
business had refrained from its efforts to make
America a plutocrat's Paradise, the cartoons would
never have been necessary to arouse the people. But
as the murderer had never learned English and had
been in this country only a few years, and had come as
an anarchist with the avowed purpose to tear down
the Government, the claim of Hanna is far-fetched. He
probably never saw any Davenport cartoon.

Whatever else is true, this is true that the suc-
cession of Roosevelt to the Presidency was a most
fortunate event for America at that time.

The succession of Johnson in 1865 to Abraham
Lincoln was an unmixed calamity ; and that of Arthur
to Garfield in 1881 was very regrettable. But McKin-
ley never really was President. Hanna was regent
over him.

Who is regent over his disciple, Harding?

Hearst downed Foraker; but George B. Cox gave
way only when the Angel of Death called. He was
the boss of Cincinnati; very rich, living in a magnifi-
cent home without visible means of support. No city
was ever owned by any boss more tightly than Cox
owned Cincinnati. How he acquired this control is

147

mysterious but not impossible to learn. He kept all his
promises, delivered the goods, told the truth to his
friends was as silent as the grave; otherwise, was a
cheerful, amiable, healthy person, who had a genius
for getting offices and contracts for the faithful and
for being paid himself as part of every bargain.

Bushnell has passed with very little record. He
was State Governor once.

Such were the two machines in the same party. It
was Cleveland and Columbus then against Cincinnati.

Nash was Governor while Harding was State
Senator. He fell in with the Daugherty machine first ;
but was silent enough and hid himself enough in the
background not to antagonize the Cincinnati people.

At this period, State Senator Warren G. Harding
was about thirty-five years old, wife forty-one years
old, who ran his business for him, and with a father-
in-law who hated him and called him a "nigger" to his
face and behind his back and who would not allow him
to enter his home. He was always called by the nick-
name, "Nig," at this time; but if anyone had told him
that he would be President of the United States, he
would not have taken it seriously, for all that he al-
ready had, had been given to him by others. He was
only a printer who did not try to edit or write for his
own paper, which, in fact, was his wife's. There was
an "able editor" in the payroll by the name of Van
Fleet. State Senator Harding was the creature of
the circumstances.

The issues in the period of Governor Nash were
these, viz. :

1. Economy in State expenditures. This, of course,
was pressed by the farmers.

2. Annual reports by corporations, which were still
free from inspection. This also was pressed by the

148

farmers and likewise by the older property interests,
such as lands.

3. Legislation to protect labor. This showed the
influences coming from the new industrial life oj the
State. The cities and the miners asked for this

4. Better supervision of penal and reformatory in-
stitutions. Back in 1900 conditions were even worse
than they are now in these institutions in Ohio.

5. Reduction and abolition of the State tax levy
and leaving all taxes to be collected by the counties
as such.

6. An annual tax upon coiTDorations.

7. Full immediate payment of the State debts.

8. Revision of the State game laws.

It does not appear that Warren Harding exerted or
tried to exert any influence upon these matters, but
he voted right; that is, he found out what Hanna
wanted, and he filled in accordingly.

Then came what looks like an astonishing thing —
Harding was nominated for the Lieutenant Governor^
ship in 1904 ; he had been tried out as presiding officer
of a State Republican Convention and found safe;
he would stand without hitching and go without whip-
ping; and do what he had been told to do. Myron T.
Herrick was the candidate for Governor ; and Theodore
Roosevelt was candidate for President. Herrick and
Harding went in on the Presidential tide. It matters
but little now that in order to win, Roosevelt lied about
the campaign contributions from the life insurance
companies as charged against him by Alton B. Parker.
Later he apologized, but Cortelyou had the money to
use; and they won.

This raises the question who Myron T. Herrick was
and is.

This man came from a family on a farm in the
north of Ohio, without education, and almost without

149

morals. But he got in; he married a well-to-do lady
of Dayton ; he got into banking in Cleveland ; and soon
he was a millionaire. He is a positive person, of strong
constitution, without the capacity of feeling any nausea
over political rottenness. He has since been Ambassa-
dor to France, and confirmed to go again. He has be-
come part of the vast banking fraternity of Cleveland,
and is of unknown wealth, perhaps ten or twenty mil-
lions.

He is the larger owner of the DAYTON JOURNAL,
which is published by the Burkham-Herrick Company,
and which libelled Professor William Estabrook
Chancellor in the last campaign, by charging that he
had retracted that which he had not done. He had
done nothing, and he retracted nothing. This is why
he has been lost to the people and is living, if at all, in
some spot unknown even to his own family. We have
elsewhere explained who did publish the reports re-
garding the Harding ancestry.

Of course, as Lieutenant Governor, Warren Hard-
ing had nothing of importance to do with legislation.
He was always addressed even at this time by Gov-
ernor Herrick as "Nig" Harding. But the Governor
was rich and Harding was really only a printer.

Though at this time there came a great change in
Ohio politics through the grant to the Governor of the
veto power, Herrick got almost nothing done. This
Legislature over which, in the upper branch, Warren
Harding presided, passed a law legalizing race track
gambling, but Herrick was decent enough to veto it.

The Legislature was thoroughly reactionary. It
killed a bill for improving the state banks, another to
regulate the new interurban electric lines, a third to
improve the state militia, and it brought together the
State and the National elecions, which has helped the
bosses to control the State Government, as it was in-

150 ' ■

tended to do. This bill was a measure to strengthen
the politcal machines of Cleveland, Cincinnati, Colum-
bus and Toledo. The more officers are voted for in
one election, the less the people think about the minor
ones. Then the politicians can do as they please about
filling such offices.

The Herrick administration refused to revise the
school code of the state. This code was in very bad
shape. It allowed the poorer districts to have little or
no schooling, and in most of the counties there was
absolutely no supervision of any kind. Educators had
been reading a famous book by City School Superin-
tendent VV. E. Chancellor, who afterwards became
Professor of Politics and Economics at the College
of Wooster; he had served in several large Eastern
cities, such as Patterson, N. J., and Washington, D. C,
and they wished to try out in Ohio his ideas regard-
ing supervision and small school board. But Herrick
passed all the subject up with the contempt that
Napolean displayed for Pestalozzi ; it was a matter for
childi'en not for men.

For the new code, Harding had nothing to say.
Himself not even a graduate of a rural high school,
education was meaningless to him, as it is today. Has
he not "succeeded" far beyond the college-reared men ?
Why get an education when by standing by at con-
venient places, one can do better still ?

Of course. Boss Cox, of Cincinnati, was opposed to
the school reform plans. Ninety-eight per cent of all
the moneys spent by the Cincinnati school board for
books was spent with one single book company,
friendly with Cox.

In this period, both Herrick and Harding did all
that they could to block a local option bill upon the
liquor question, and what legislation was passed, was

151

entirely acceptable to the liquor people; it left all the
downtown sections of the cities full of saloons.

After this, Harding wont back to the city of Marion
with the increased prestige of having served as State
Senator and as Lieutenant Governor, and his father-
in-law, Amos H. Kling, was dead. He tried to get
nominations for various offices but failed. He even
had one run against Daugherty; but it was all under-
stood among friends.

Where was Harding and where was the MARION
STAR while the great Roosevelt fight went on for bet-
ter political and economic conditions in the nation, and
while Ohio was trying under Pattison and Harmon to
better its own state of affairs?

These were some of the reforms actually ac-
complished, viz. :

1. A two-cent a mile railroad rate for passengers.

2. Liquor licenses were raised from $350 to $1,000
a year.

3. A county local option bill became law.

4. The Smith One Per Cent measure became law.
This was then a step in the right direction.

5. An employer's liability bill was passed.

6. Children were required to go to school until six-
teen years of age.

7. The State Board of Public Works was organized.

8. A corrupt practices act tended to the improve-
ment of conditions at elections.

9. Public service corporations were placed under
government regulation,

Judson Harmon was next to the best Governor that
Ohio ever had; the best Governor was James M. Cox.
The former would have made one of the greatest of
Presidents, and the latter was in fact the opponent of
Mr. Harding. It is a main purpose of this book to ex-
plain how it has come about that a man without anv

152

principles of thought or conduct or decision upon the
really important matters of Ohio and National states-
manship became the head of Government when others
vastly superior in each party were passed over. That
Harmon is a really great lawyer and a fine business
man and a statesman also, every intelligent citizen
knows, and that he is a far more trustworthy person
for the public interests than the man now in the White
House is likewise plain ; but the powers behind the
scene do not desire the welfare of the nation, not even
that of their own posterity; they desire power now.
Through Harding, they have it. HARDING HIMSELF
ON MASQUERADE IS THE MASK FOR THEM-
SELVES. He is the affable negro butler waiting at
the front door of their palace of brigandage. He does
not desire power or applause or even a front seat; what
he desires are the comforts and luxuries of life; and
these they have given to him for some years past.

The measures that were put through by Cox, who
defeated Willis three times for the Governship and
was defeated by him once on the claim that he had
"made the Legislature a rubber stamp for the Gov-
ernor," included these items, viz.:

1. A thoroughly workable employer's liability and
workmen's compensation scheme. This is the best sys-
tem in the United States. It is not popular with the
very rich.

2. Better state highways and a county system to
assist these highways. This slowly became popular
with the farmers and was much desired by the mer-
chants. It has made the motor truck a real competitor
with the steam and electric railways.

3. Censorship of the motion pictures, not so good as
it should be, but far better than in many other States.

4. State aid in the anti-tuberculosis campaign.

153

5. Supervision of wild-cat securities — the so-called
"blue sky" laws.

6. A new reformed penitentiary and a very greatly
improved system of paroling prisoners.

7. Restriction of th elabor hours for women and
children.

8. Municipal home rule.

9. A state liquor license commission.

10. Various legislative commissions, including one
to study mothers' pension, the State school system, and
a farm credit system.

11. A State Department of Agriculture.

12. Decrease of the State elected officers in the in-
terest of a short ballot with a few responsible men.

13. Increased suffrage for women.

14. Some financial relief to cities.

15. A State home for crippled children.

16. Creation of a bipartisan board of pardons and
clemacy of two persons under the governor to give all
their time to this duty.

17. The whole movement for defeating pro-Ger-
manism in the World War, so far as this was a State
matter.

18. Complete prohibition.

19. Complete woman's suffrage.

20. Actual economy under the supervision of the
State Auditor, who became the candidate of the Demo-
crats for the Governorship in 1920, but was defeated
in the general debacle of the Democrats.

In the midst of all these Cox reforms, Frank B.
Willis served one term during which his motto, "Let
the people attend to their own business and the Gov-
ernor keep out of the fray," resulted in the fact that
"What is everyone's business is no one's business." He
is commonly considered the poorest Governor Ohio

154

ever had, bar none, but he was elected all the same
to the United States Senate.

The presence of this man in Ohio politics would
be an enigma anywhere else than in this State of too
much politics. It may be well to pause a few moments
to consider the man himself.

Frank B. Willis served a term or two in Congress,
and when he was defeated, he wept tears in public.
He vowed that he would never go again to Washing-
ton until he went to some worthwhile office again. He
is the sentimentalist supreme.

He has a wonderful voice, the best voice of any
speaker in American public life excepting only Wil-
liam Jennings Bryan ; it is loud and deep, marvel-
lously loud, a foghorn voice, but pleag^nt.

He is a thorough gentleman.

He is and always has been an ardent prohibitionist.

He remembers the faces of his friends and ac-
quaintances.

He once taught various subjects in a little college
in the West of the State and filled every office that
he could with its graduates. He is now its most
prominent alumnus.

He has a passion to speak anywhere at any time,
and is a very frequent speaker at educational meet-
ings, especially high school commencements and wom-
en's clubs.

He knows the history of Ohio, and has a speech
upon it that claims half the great men of America for
Ohio. This is very popular.

He is scrupulously free from bribe-taking, and does
not even associate with corruptionists. He is a very
devout Methodist.

Why then is he not a valuable man in public life?

He is the man who nomnated Harding at the Chi-
cago Convention in a speech ending with the exhorta-

155

tion, "Come on, boys and girls, let's make him Presi-
dent!"

1. Frank B. Willis is to all serious and intelligent
men a joke. Why? Because he is an undeveloped boy.

2. He has no knowledge of or interest in the larger
problem of American life.

3. He has no knowledge of human nature ; but as-
sumes that everyone else is an innocent as himself.
He cannot discern between man and man.

4. He is a total failure in getting anything done;
he prefers to talk.

He has been a pawn upon the chess board of Ohio
politics, and is now advanced to the King's row again
in Washington. By being in the Senate, he has kept
some abler man out, in this case a Cincinnati manu-
facturer, who is a philanthropist and a man of high
attainments. Like a baloon, he has floated again into
the National Capitol itself. This man expects to be-
come President. After Harding and Taft, will America
ever again tolerate an Ohio President?

Of course, he is not a personal friend of the present
President; their tastes are too different; but he has
played the game for him. A megaphone bass voice is a
mighty asset. This man is Ike the late Julius Caesar
Burrows, of Michigan, who rose to the Senatorship on
his own wind.

Did Warren Harding put hs shoulder to the wheel
and work with the "drys?" He did not. Instead, he
allowed the Marion Brewery to give to him three
shares to keep him quiet as the ostensible head of the
STAR daily newspaper.

Did Warren Harding give the women a lift toward
equal suffrage? It might be supposed that with a
wife who was his financial genius he would favor
woman suffrage ; but he did nothing for their cause.

Did Warren Harding at any time help the fight

166

against the seizure of the Ohio canals by the railroads
and corporations gratis ? No !

Did he work for the great revision of the State
Constitution in the period when he was still at home
in the State? He did not.

Did he ever at any time support any progressive
measure ? No !

What did he do all through these critical years?
Wait. He did not even listen. He was not interested.
It has been said truthfully of some men that they
seemed to have a prevision of high destinies. Not so
this man. Abraham Lincoln thought that some day
he would be President. So did Wilson. Garfield had
the same dream. Harding has had no illusions. Is this
evidence of high powers? Some would have us think
so. Some really profess to believe that great men do
not know that they are great.

Of course, some great men do underestimate
themselves. Napoleon did that. BUT George Wash-
ington never hid himself from public view. Except
in seeking the Presidency, Harding has never over-
estimated himself; as he said, naively, after the elec-
tion, more than once, "It was a bigger job than I
thought."

Willis did not secure the Presidency for Harding by
his speech at the Convention, though he seems to
thnk that he did so. We have reports of many eye-
witnesses that it was the saddest, most anxious, hottest
mass of men ever gotten togeher for any such pur-
pose. There was sadness because the realized what
they were being put up to do; there was anxiety be-
cause they were afraid that they would be discovered
in regard to what all the crooks among them were be-
ing paid for doing; and there was heat because it
was less hot outside than in, terrific as the heat was,
than the hotness of their sculs at one another because

157

they were not being given a free choice, and because
some were being paid much more money and were be-
ing promised much finer offices than others were.
Willis cheered them a bit just as any other vaude-
ville performer might have done, and his speech re-
quired less real ability than do most of the stunts of
acknowledged comedians.

It is well to go back for a brief second considera-
tion of the Ohio State Legislature. No State Legisla-
ture in America is really free from bad influences and
clear of bad methods of legislation ; but few are worse
than Ohio. So far as committee chairmanships are
concerned, these are arranged before hand by the great
bosses, seldom themselves members of the Legislature.
In addition, there are steering committees that help
the passage of some bill and block the progress of
others. A few insiders run these steering commit-
tees. Then there are party caucuses at which the
things to be tried in the name of the party are de-
termined behind closed doors. What between the
bosses, the steering committees and the caucuses, the
welfare of the public becomes a matter difficult to re-
member even by the honest men in the Legislature.

Let us take an illustration. In 1902, the Hanna-
Dick-Daugherty machine controlled the Legislature,
and Nash was governor. Both Hanna and Boss Cox
of Cincinnati were on hand. Hanna gave out the state-
ment that he would regard every vote for a Foraker
man as a vote against himself; he had been elected by
one majority, to the United States Senate, and he had
not forgotten what that had cost in money and anxiety.
He meant to try for re-election in 1904. Foraker was
trying to get into the Senate by getting Dick out. The
State was to be redistricted for Congressional Repre-
senatives, and gerrymandering could be fixed in such
a way to help Hanna or hurt him, help Foraker or hurt

158

him. Here Daugherty stepped in and made Hanna
surrender to himself for his own two personal candi-
dates, the speakership and the clerkship of the House,
which positions men named McKinnon and McEleroy
secured in consequence. But in the Senate, the Foraker
men won. Then came on a struggle for the chairman-
ships and in the Senate Cox defeated all the plans of
Hanna and Daugherty. In the House, the Daugherty
men won. Speaker McKinnon was enabled, through
his office, to gerrymander in a special bill the Twelfth
Ohio Congressional District, exactly as Daugherty de-
sired.

In 1904, Hanna got everything that he asked from
the Ohio Legislature. After the death of Hanna in
this year, the machine was taken over by Dick and
Herrick, Boss Cox ceased to fight the men from the
North of the State. In respect to one of the most im-
porant measures at this time — that of abolishing
Spring elections in the State — the CLEVELAND
PLAIN DEALER said that it "brought out the most
amazing example of subserviency to party bosses in
the entire histoiy of legislation in Ohio." See issue
of March 11, 1904.

While we are looking into this matter, it is profit-
able to remember that Hanna vv^as a "wet." Those who
think that liquor destroys human abilities do well to
forget the case of Mark Hanna ; he was wet by example
as well as by precept. Herrick was just as wet; per-
haps this is a cause contributory others why he desires
the opportunity to return to France as Ambassador
from America. But, of course, the present crowd in
control of the Republican party are all "wets" — Am-
bassador to Great Britain George B. McClellan Harvey
included. Of course, also, the British and the French
are "wets." This makes these leading Republicans
pei*sonae gratae in Europe. The pious hypocrites of

159

the churches who voted for the Republican party in the
last election, themselves pretending to be "dry," knew
what the truth was.

When Harry M. Daugherty as Attorney General of
the United States declared recently that the only way
he knew in which to make the States dry was to drink
them dry, he Vv'as merely reciting his life-creed. Hanna,
Herrick and Daugherty, the makers of Harding, were
all "wets." But for the death of Hanna upon February
15, 1904, the Brannock Local Option Bill would not
have been passed in April of the same year.

It is well to remember that Hanna was the enemy
of Tom Johnson, the reform Mayor of Cleveland, who
brought up Newton D. Baker, Secretary of War un-
der President Wilson. This concerns the hatred of
Dan Hanna against Wilson, which was personal be-
cause of his father. And as has been shown else-
where in detail, it concerns the kind of attacks made
by WaiTen Harding upon President Wilson.

It would be interesting to recount here something
of the relations of Theodore E. Burton and of William
Howard Taft to these matters in detail. But to do so
would carry far afield. It is enough to recite that
Burton is a legal light, a scholar and a banker, who has
stood for clean politics so far as he has been able to do
so within the ranks of the regulars of the Republican
party. He is a bachelor and not rich. He attained the
United States Senatorship and is now back in the
House of Representatives. Burton has consistently op-
posed everything that Hanna stood for. There is a
story of the time when Harding was chosen to preside
over a Republican State Convention at Dayton twenty
years ago. Everything that the bosses desired done
was done, much to the digust of Burton, who told this
to Harding himself at the end of the affair in no un-
certain language.

160

Burton almost belongs in the same rank with the
late Allen G. Thurman, the war horse of the Democ-
racy of Ohio, and a United States Senator two genera-
tions ago. But the Republican leaders in the interests
of the plutocracy have taken up the little men and
have turned down the great one.

It is an illustration of what Burton was and is,
that when in Congress he came in his own person to
Columbus and appeared before two committees of the
House and Senate and argued for the adoption of the
Australian ballot. This was just before the death of
Governor Pattison, and according to the newspapers
of the time, Hanna and Boss Cox then got the bill
defeated.

As for Taft, he sold out to Harding in the last
campaign, as he had so often sold out to the rotten
powers of the , darkness of Republicanism in times
past, not for money, perhaps not from promise of
place — though we shall see what comes as to that;
but in the main, because he is at heart a complaisant
man who prefers to keep on good terms with Brother
Charles, the multissimo-millionaire, and with his wife's
sister of the the steel independents, Jones & Laughlin,
Pittsburgh. Taft has no capacity for self-sacrifice —
such as Roosevelt certainly did have, nor has he the
courage of his very great friend.

There was a fundamental difference politically be-
tween Johnson and Hanna as to the proper authority
for the granting of street railway franchises. John-
son asserted that the cities where these were to operate
should grant them, while Hanna asserted that every
franchise should come from the State. Each of these
men had large railroad interests; but there was this
difference that Hanna was willing to pay money to
legislators to get franchises while Johnson was not.
On this point. Burton stood with Johnson, which did

161

not please Hanna. What Johnson was after was a
three-cent carfare in Cleveland for his people there.
Hanna was no philanthropist of this kind.

A tremendous home rule sentiment was built up by
Johnson, which today controls Ohio, very largely. Bur-
ton stood for this also.

If we could trust the reports of the newspapers
for the period when Harding was State Senator and
Lieutenant Governor, the lobby employed by the great
corporations numbered from 150 to 200 men, and the
votes necessary to carry or to defeat single measures

cost the corporations from $500 to $1,000 each. Of
course, there were members who went down to the
Legislature poor men and who remained such; but
there were more men who grew comfortably well off
by the sales of their votes. Such was the Legislature
of Ohio at the period when Harding got his formatve
training. There is no evidence that he was even paid
anything for any vote; or that he acquired any prop-
erty through this period. He has never been well-to-
do. The pleasure that his wife expressed at being
allowed to go to New York to buy clothes after the
election of her husband, and her statement that at last
she felt that she "could afford to have nice things"
was real. The newspapers reports that the Hardings
were worth several hundred thousand dollars were
absurd. The property that they occupied in Marion
cost but a few thousand dollars, and the STAK build-
ing with all its machnery represents nothing in the
nature of hundreds of thousands of dollars ; it is dingy
and small. They owned but little else in November,
1920. The Republican pictures of the Warren Hard-
ing as a great newspaper man of business was nothing
but "campaign talk." The house in Washington owned
when he was Senator is by no means a great affair.

it\2

The STAR is a co-operative entei-prise and has
many small stockholders.

We may take one more look at this Legislature in
which Warren Harding sat as Senator, sat and did
nothing but "vote right;" that is, as the bosses told
him to do. The Senators were of an average age of
forty-two years; the Representatives were two years
older on the average. There were sevnty-five mem-
bers in both branches together, a mere handful as com-
pared w^ith many State Legislatures. As Harding
never went to college, this was his higher education.
He was one of the younger members. In respect to
their educations, there is this curious fact. Not much
over one-third of them had been to high school; but
most as many had been to college ; this means that the
men who had gone through high school had gone to
college also.

Among so many who had nothing but elementar>'
schooling, Harding was at home. He said but little,
though he was usually present and voted. Almost
one-half of all the Senators were lawyers, mostly
trained in private law offices in country towns.

In this same Senate, twenty had had previous ex-
perience in the Legislature, while the other thirteen
members were political neophytes "greenhorns."

The sessions lasted but three months nominally,
though the actual committee and other work length-
ened somewhat the time put in by the more serious
and important men.

More than half of all the members were mcimbcrs
of the Masonic order ; at this period Harding was net a
member of this order, though he became such later,
and after his election, was raised to the very high
degree of thirty -second at a special convocation. This
was done regularly. It is said that all but two men

163

who have been inaugurated President were Masons;
but this cannot now be verified.

After Harding ceased to be Lieutenant Governor,
he seems to have lost what little interest he ever had
in State affairs. Very few editorials that appeared in
the Marion STAR dealt with State problems ; and prob-
ably he wrote not many even of these, for he returned
to his work as foreman of the composing room, where
he was happy setting up type and seeing to the press
work, while his wife managed the outer office and
Editor Van Fleet, with his assistants, furnished copy.

When he became United States Senator, as we
have told elsewhere, and went to Washington, Colum-
bus passed out of his mind. He never tried to come
back as did Hanna and Foraker and manage the State
also. He had no light to throw upon State problems,
;ind he had no axes to grind, for the selection was by
popular vote.

Before leaving this phase of the matter, it is worth
while to notice that if Governor Ha? ,i:on had not
forced the "corrupt practices act" through, Harding
would never have become Senator, for this legislation
cost Attorney General Timothy S. Hogan his defeat
when he ran against Harding in 1914. Hogan w^as the
man who sent several hundred bribers and bribees to
the penitentiary in Adams County and thereby made
himself very unpopular with politicians generally.

It is well to note also that Harding stayed gen-
erally with the politicians from the middle and North
of the State, the growing parts, especially with the
Columbus men. He did not consort with the rural
people or much with those from Cleveland or Cincin-
nati. Indeed, in general, he kept out of the limelight
and out of the centers of the conflicts and made but
few enemies.

Whatever the other "boys" did, he did, from chew-

164

ing and smoking and drinking and and playing poker,
to all the rest so far as he could afford their pleasures ;
he was no Puritan. There was some talk about his
colored blood even then, but he was inoffensive and
never resented his nickname. The richer men, who
were few, saw but little of him. Week-ends he often
went home to Marion. He never kept house in Colum-
bus, but boarded. He had a brother and a sister both
living there, one a physician and the other a teacher in
the school for the blind, being herself blind. This sis-
ter, Mary, is very dark, and was never considered any-
thing but colored. His brother is very light com-
pexlioned and only Southernors or anthropologists
would question his white race. This brother, Charles,
secured a very much better education than Warren
ever cared to try to get. He is a reputable physician
with a modest general practice, who, doubtless, ex-
ceedingly regrets that his brother has brought the
family affairs to light. Indeed he has said so
vigorously.

In a city of 327,000 people with 32,000 negroes who
admit that they are negroes and with at least 12,000
more v/ho have negro blood but do not admit this to
others, this brother was getting along nicely until the
exposures came through the over-zeal of other negroes,
including his father's friend, William Chancellor, black,
of Mt. Gilead. We have explained this elsewhere.
It comes in here because Brother Warren went to see
Brother Charles without talking about it very much
to other Senators. With his nickname, "Nig" Warren,
was something of a handicap to his more successful
younger brother at this period. He was also much
darker, which was unpleasant to realize. Mary, how-
ever, was not recognized publicly by the family; and
when she died, she was not cared for by undertakers,
but by the family itself.

16B

CHAPTER XII
PRESIDENTIAL HISTORY

In the third place, as we have said, the policy of
Harding in the White House cannot be understood
without some knowledge of the history of the Presi-
dency beyond what the pretty school histories report.
Here we shall draw heavily upon a long article that
Professor Chancellor wrote and published some time
ago in one of the greatest newspapers of the Conti-
nent or the world, for he is one of the leading authori-
ties upon the subject.

In this article, William Estabrook Chancellor — not
the negro Chancellor, but the white man who was
dragged into this thing by the black man who told the
truth for the benefit of his race and as he believed of
Harding himself — pointed out that the Presidents of
the United States have been of three types — the lead-
ers, he consultants, and the subservient. There is a
Faying that the Presidency is whatever any man in
the office chooses to make of it — a power, an influence
or a tool of the plutocracy. This is not wholly true,
for when the President is not supported by a party be-
hind him in both Houses of Congress, he cannot be a
power in our Government of checks and balances, where
responsibility is located everywhere and nowhere.

George Washington was a power, a leader. The
Vice-President was John Adams, who often spoke on
the floor of the Senate for George Washington and
upon twenty-two important occasions gave the tie vote
for him. Which shows how very difficult a position
even Washington was in, and he was one of the four

166

greatest men that the Nation so far has produced in
public life, the other three being Franklin, Lincoln
and Roosevelt. No one else ever controlled Wash-
ington. He was a big man physically, the greatest
athlete of his times when a young man, an incom-
parable wrestler and horseman. Washington was
especially apt as a writer as the twelve volumes of his
writings show, and he left as many that were never
published. By profession he was a civil engineer, and
he was fourth richest man in America as a business
man and merchant in flour.

John Adams as President was a leader, but his
following failed him. He had been a professor in
Latin schools.

Thomas Jefferson was the greatest political philoso-
pher of our history; he v/as the man who bought
liouisiana. He liked to get advice and then to do as
he pleased. He was a leader, a thinker and a power,
and his memoiy yet lives green and fresh and will live
forever. He believed in making America a land for the
common man, a place where freemen would be happy
in their freedom. He was an inventor, some of his
inventions being the present wheelbarrow, the re-
volving chair now used in offices and the letter copy-
ing press. He was a first-class scientific farmer and
brought many African and European farm plants to
America. He had Congress with him. He founded the
University of Virginia.

James Madison wrote more of the Constitution
than did any other man. But in the Presidency he
belonged to the consultant type and took too much
advice from other men; he went to war with Great
Britain because Henry Clay told him to do so. But he
was not habitually subservient. He was a great polti-
cal scholar, a thoroughly educated man like Jefferson.

In the succession to these great men, where is little

1«7

Warren Harding? It is a shameful thing to present
such a contrast to the world.

James Monroe was merely a consultant President,
John Quincy Adams wrote the Monroe Doctrine for
him. But he was no one's tool.

John Quincy Adams wiis a born thinker and scholar,
a great diplomat, a great lawyer; after he left the
Presidency, he did the greatest thing for human liberty
that has been done by any American, greater even
than the preservation of the right to worship where
and when one will, which was due to the work of Jef-
ferson in Virginia, He preserved the right of petition
to Congress and of having the petitions read before
that body in House and Senate. He gave his life to
this work for twenty years, and he died after making
a speech there in the Capitol.

But he had no following as President. No one ever
managed him for a minute after he grew up, not even
his father, John Adams.

Then came the most terrific person that America
has known in public life, Andrew Jackson, who, at a
banquet, where he was too sick to eat, told the
Southerners this: ''The Union, it must and shall be
preserved." This was the man who brought the new
West and the common man into public offices. He
broke the bureauoracy of the past, the officeholders'
ring.

Andrew Jackson is the general whose soldiers at
New Orleans shot 1200 Britishers in the foreheads, and
who lost but seven men themselves in that fight. He
reduced the Southern Indians to subjection to the
American military power. No man ever controlled
him. By killing one man who slandered his wife and
by threatening to kill others, he made it unsafe to
slander women falsely.

Martin Van Burean was one of the greatest lawyers

168

in America. He was a power in the Jackson period.
Because of the Democratic two-thirds vote rule, he lost
the renomination to the Presidency.

He always did as President what "Old Hickory"
told him to do ; otherwise, he was a power. He did not,
however, take the bit in his teeth and run, as the
forceful men have done. He, like Jackson, believed
that Gold is the only money; and in their time the
United States was entirely out of debt. He is the man
who caused imprisonment for debt to cease in New
York State and eventually throughout the Nation.
He was true democrat. He would be remembered
even if he had never been Presidnt, as most other men
in the White House would have been rememberd by
Amricans for a century or two.

After serving thirty days, William Henry Harri-
son died. He wan an energetic old man, and would
probably have made a name for himself as an inde-
pendent person. At the very first Cabinet meeting,
when his Secretary of State, the great orator, Daniel
Webster told him something that he did not like, his
reply was, "William Henry Harrison is President."
He had been a military hero, winning the battle of
Tippecanoe against the Indians.

John Tyler was nobody, a mere subservient tool of
the slavery interests.

James Knox Polk had been Speaker of the House
in Congress. He also was the tool of the slavery
lords. And he died of mortification one month after
he left the White House because so many decent
men thought that the Mexican War should never have
been fought.

Will Warren Gamaliel Harding also let the lords
of power lead us again into a war with Mexico?
Mexico has oil, rubber, copper and silver, and the lords
of power Cvould have new and greater palaces and finer

169

yachts if we should let a few hundred thousand of
our boys and men die in the dust and heat of that
terrible land.

Taylor opposed the slave lords and died after two
years' service; he was a very independent man, a rich
slaveholder himself and a war hero, but no coward
when big men of business talked to him. "Old Rough
and Ready" was a man whom Warren Harding might
well study now.

Fillmore advocated the Fugitive Slave Act. No
more needs to be said.

Notwithstanding a fine name, Franklin Pierce was
nobody.

James Buchanan also was a mere abject tool of
the slavelords; and because Abraham Lincoln showed
him up in the Lincoln-Douglas debates, Lincoln became
President.

Lincoln is now the most beloved of all Americans,
and is considered the best writer also. He had a great
way of consulting everyone and then doing exactly as
he pleased. Often he did what every big man of the
times told him not to do. Will Harding ever do this?

Johnson did as he pleased, not wisely.

Is Warren Harding a Lincoln in the making, or a
Buchanan?

Is this period one when the lords of money and cur-
rency and securities and labor slaves must be shown
up? It is well to remember at this stage that Lin-
coln was very unpopular with most big men.

The most corrupt of all Presidents was Ulysses S.
Grant. He was merely the tool of the men who had
made fortunes in the Civil War. He did whatever the
Drcxels asked him to do, and Belknap with the Star
Route Ring wrecked him historically. He admitted
"borrowing" of the Drexels on his own account while
President at one time $150,000. But the G. A. R. still

170

calls him "a great President." He had been a "great"
General with five times as many soldiers as Robert E.
Lee. That is, he had great armies.

Hayes was no tool. He was rich enough to do what
he pleased. He never talked with any one without hav-
ing a shorthand writer on hand keeping notes. No man
could see him quietly alone.

Garfield died soon after his election.

Arthur was a pleasure-loving gentleman, who did
what the New York politicians asked.

Cleveland was a terror in the Whte House, He
went in for Civil Service reform. He was a powerful
man who worked harder than any other President be
fore him except Washington and Lincoln. He did take
advice, perhaps too much, but he was not subservient.
He believed in gold as the only money and revived the
Jackson traditions.

Only great bankers now have gold ; what will Hai-d
ing do about this? Jackson broke the United States
Bank because it also believed in having "real money"
only for the rich.

Benjamin Harrison came in between the two terms
of Cleveland, who had a majority of the popular votes,
however, in all three elections. He added six Republi-
can States to the Union out of the territories in order
to control the Senate in Congress. He was the rich
man's President, But he was also a great lawyer.

The modern time in American history began with
McKinley and world expansion.

In order to understand it, we need to consider what,
in the light of the present, has been the most import-
ant American public question, and what the other great
issues have been.

By far the greatest question has been, of course,
how to realize democracy, how to give, as Lincoln put
it, "to ev(!]'y man the equal chance."

171

Who have stood for this?
Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln, Roosevelt.
Who have been the agents of the aristocrats?
Conspicuously, Polk, Fillmore, Pierce, Buchanan,
Grant, McKinley, Taft.

That is the one first and main issue.
Where will Harding stand ?

The second great question has been how to bring
prosperity to the land, how to make Americans gen-
erally happy.

The leaders in this movement have been
Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, Van Buren,
McKinley, Roosevelt, Wilson.
The men who have stood not for the the general
prosperity but for the power of the great and rich
and well-born, have been

John Adams, Monroe, Tyler, Polk, Fillmore.
Pierce, Buchanan, Grant, Taft.
The third question has been how to expand our
lands.

The leaders in this have been
Washington, who tried to get Canada to come
in; Jefferson, Madison, Polk, Taylor, Lincoln,
Johnson, Grant, B. Harrison, McKinley,
Roosevelt.

The opponents of this have been, curiously enough,
Lincoln, v/ho opposed taking Mexican sessions, and
Cleveland; and outside of the Presidency, two very
great men, Hamilton and Webster.

The fourth question has been whether to go abroad
and get International power.

The leaders in Internationalism have been
Jefferson, both Adams, Monroe, Polk, Tay-
lor, Buchanan, Lincoln, Grant, B. Harrison.
McKinley, Taft, and by far the greatest of
them all, Wilson.

172

The opponents have been

Washington, Hayes and Cleveland.

The fifth question has been that of honest gold
money instead of mere paper currency.

The leaders of this have been

Washington, Jackson, Van Buren, Hayes,
Cleveland.

Those who have sinned against the pocketbooks of
the common man (who is no banker) have been Lin-
coln, Grant and Wilson.

Here let us record the names of three great states-
men who have cared to keep America gold honest —
Alexander Hamilton, Albert Gallatin and John Sher-
man.

A sixth question has been how to raise money for
the National Government and whether in doing so to
have a protective tariff.

Before the Civil War, the protective tariff was
relatively unimportant, because the Government spent
but little money. The only man who cared much
about it and who became President was John Quincy
Adams. All taxes were low.

Since that time, the j^dvocates of a strong pro-
tective tariff have been Lincoln, Grant, Hayes, Gar-
field, B. Harrison, McKinley, Taft.

The opponents have been Cleveland and Wilson.

The question of an income tax was never import-
ant until very recently when much more money was
demanded.

Wilson advocated this, and McKinley and Taft
were against it.

No President has ever favored prohibtion of the
liquor traffic. Wilson and Harding are both "wets."

Another tremendous question now looms before us,
and the question where Harding stands will have to
be answered by him at once. What about paying the

173

present National debt; is it to be a burden upon our
children's children forever like the British consols and
a means for establishing and mantaining a moneyed
aristicracy? There are individual men who own each
more than one million of these more than twenty bil-
lions of dollars of National debts.

The Victory Loan, the fifth war issue, comes due
in April, 1923. Does Warren Harding intend to repay
it or to refund it, and if so, at what rate of interest ?

The amount is about $2,225,000,000.

To own one million dollars of this debt means to
have an income of $47,500 a year from the taxes and
toil of the American people.

Of course, long ago, the Constitution of the United
States ceased to be anything more than a fetich, for
the Supreme Court has become a perpetual constitu-
tional convention deciding as it will what accords under
the new conditions wth the old letter and the old
spirit and what does not. Abraham Lincoln and the
"implied war powers" ended all the old philosophical
liberals; the latter won out of hand. When Theodore
Roosevelt made his immortal speech in Kansas on "the
new nationalism," he but put the seal of his states-
manship upon the matter. Strict construction in a
work of international trade, of wireless telegraphy, of
great newspapers is impossible. It means that, except
for wars, money postoffice, and a few such matters,
each State could and should go it alone.

That is now undesirable, of course. Still, there
are echoes of the thing. There are atill citizens who
who do not believe that because it is unsafe to put
liquor in the South and in such negro States as Ohio,
Indiana and Illinois, it is therefore also wicked to allow
the people of Massachusetts and of California to have
wine at their meals or beer.

The foodless saloon always was a crime. But that

174

does not make the farmer who has cider criminal
morally.

Strict construction would have made the discus-
sion of uniform divorce laws and a national statute
on the subject a real issue. It would have allowed
the various States to make experiments in many lines
in order to find what legislation is really best for the
American people in each part of the country and in
each epoch of development.

What will Warren Harding make of the problem
of the construing of the Constitution? He has never
studied Latin, nor law, nor jurisprudence, nor
economics, nor anything above a rural school course in
a back country district plus some pedagogy in order
to teach in rural schools; and there is no evidence
whatever that he did teach even one day.

There is a myth that one of the greatest of Presi-
dents, Abraham Lincoln, "knew nothing." This is a
vicious lie ; for he studed the entre high school course
in Springfield, 111., under the veteran high school prin-
cipal evenings for four years, and he was also one of
the best lawyers in Illinois. To compare Harding with
Lincoln is deliberate endeavor to fool the American
people.

The Nation now has $6,250,000,000 of currency out
in circulation, of which over $3,000,000»000 is new cur-
rency compared with a total of but $2,250,000,000
nearly all gold and silver in 1913.

This means that the bankers have a vast amount of
currency without gold backing that they lend to the
people at six and seven per cent, and costs them on]\'
the government charge for printing. It is a scandal.
What does Harding intend to do about ths ?

It should be slowly but steadily retired within not
over ten years. What will be his policy? Does he

175

think that the more paper currency a Nation has the
richer it is?

Ask the Russians who now have $65,000,000,000
in eirculaton, yet are in desperate poverty. Paper cur-
rency impoverishes any nation.

We may now return to McKinley and to the begin-
nings of modem times in the United States. With him.
America expanded into and across the Pacific and into
the West Indies. A great President faces all the major
questions of his times with full front.

The greatest question of the times for McKinley
was whether or not to help Cuba and the Philippines
to go free from Spain; he answered affirmatively; in
the main, because men like Roosevelt were ready to
act under him. He did a statesmanlike thing then.

The worst fault of McKinley was that he filled
every office at the dictation of Mark Hanna, and that
only toward the end of his life did he see our world re-
lations as unfortunately influenced by a too high tariff.
But we have had poorer and weaker Presidents. Mc-
Kinley grades well with the whole list. He was a good
lawyer; an excellent public speaker; not afraid to
stand upon a platform without notes and tell his story.

To equal him Warren needs to study law five or
ten years. This is the first but not the only require-
ment. It would be wise for him also to pick out a
Regent with the abilities of Mark Hanna.

Roosevelt undertook more things than any other
Pi-esident save Wilson. He taught the plutocrats that
the Government OF the people belongs TO the people,
not to the plutocracy. He did a hundred other great
things. He had a p0l3npha.se mind ; he was a hunter of
game, big and small; a historian and naturalist and
essayist ; a world traveller, a loud, if not very effective,
public speaker; though easily in the second rank, far
superior to Harding ; a thorough business man who left

176

the largest estate of all the Presidents by far; the
father of many children and grandfather of many
more ; with a very admirable record as a man in all his
dealings with women.

Warren Harding in his seat is morally a crime.
What will he do about the conservation of natural re-
sources which Roosevelt began? Warren Harding
plays golf ; T. R. did not play golf ; he was no old man.
He rode horseback; he played tennis; he walked and
swam streams, when they got in his way; he went
camping and delighted in the storms that drove Warren
out of Point Isabel because they were "too severe."
Roosevelt did not know what bad weather was.

Roosevelt read books; old books, new books, hun-
dreds every month. What books has Warren Harding
ever read? Roosevelt did not play poker all night.

But Roosevelt was a poor judge of men, being too
generous in respect to them. He selected Taft for the
Presidency and it was a very bad blunder for him-
self. Taft was a very good executive when he had
a right-minded man to tell him what to execute. Taft
is of the judicial temperament, and he has too many
rich relatives, though honest and poor himself.

Even Taft, however, being a first-class lawyer, is a
head, shoulders, trunk, limbs to the knees, higher than
Warren Harding; but has he sold out to him in order
to become Chief Justice? Did he sell out the League
to Enforce Peace? He organized this and was Presi-
dent of it. If he has done so, and it looks like it very
much, for the League to Enforce Peace is dead, then
he classes with the most despised history.

The accusations made against Woodrow Wilson by
the plutocrats who have captured, piratically, the ma-
chinery of the once good Republican party, are these,
viz.:

1. He went it alone; he consulted none.

177

2. He got very rich through the war.

3. He is morally vile and always has been.

4. He lives remote and above the rest of us, an
isolated hermit of a man.

5. He is only a professor, a bookman, a scholar.

6. He wrote too much, he sent too many letters to
Germany.

7. He cares too much for the peace of the world;
and is willing to sacrifice the interests of America to
the good of humanity.

8. He bossed the peace conference, and made the
Allies do just what he wished.

9. He spent too much time in gayeties in Paris,
and was too much flattered by the common people.

10. He has been too much under the influence of
women, especially his two wives, and the wives of
other men.

11. He is sickly by nature.

12. He has done too many things to do them all
well.

13. He is pro-British and anti-German.

14. He was flimflammed by Clemenceau and the
rest.

Such has been the program of ruin that the plu-
tocrats accomplished. It sounds like just what it is,
bedlam. It sounds like a reflex of the minds of Warren
and the Duchess.

This book is not a defence of Thomas Woodrow
Wilson, Presbyterian elder, and once President of
Princeton University. Time will judge him. Time will
show him as one of the world's great thinkers.

But there is required a mere statement of the truth.

So far fiom going it alone in the Peace Conference,
he was attended by more than a hundred experts and
by many clerks; he had made the most elaborate
preparation of all the statesmen present.

]78

It is silly for men to write books and articles try-
ing to show that Woodrow Wilson did not avail himself
of ALL THE INFORMATION that a man who lives on
24 hours a day like the rest COULD GET as he moved
along. Many a night he had almost no sleep for month
on month. He was in conference or preparing notes
for conferences and committees. For shameless paid
mercenary mendacity the work of such men as Judson
C. Welliver, who became head of the publicity work of
the Republican National Committee after serving as
critic for them in Europe, passes the dreams of
Munchaisen and Machiavelli. He did this for money.
As for Robert Lansing, what he has revealed is that
he is a sorehead and that Wilson saw how incompe-
tent he was. The same is true of the Englishman,
Keynes, whose ax Wilson would not grind for him. An-
drew Tardieu has exposed all this lying in his book on
the Treaty.

If he got very rich through the war, where is his
wealth? His second wife, the widow of the jeweler,
Norman Gait, of Washington was a woman of wealth
before he married her. There is not the slightest evi-
dence that even with the savings of a salary of $75,000
a year, Woodrow Wilson and his wife together are
worth even a million dollars, and of this total the Gait
estate accounts for nearly all. Norman Gait died child-
less and left all to his widow. The Republicans, as we
saw in the account of the campaign itself, instructed
their paid agents provocateurs to say that Mrs. Wilson
was worth twenty million dollars and Woodrow him-
self as much more. Where is this forty millon dollars
hidden ? It would take the brain of a mestizo to trump
up such a story. Or, possibly, Will Hays invented it
He was Chairman of the Committee that hired these
agents to lie.

Forty million dollars represents the total wealth of

179

the ordinary city of 20,000 people. Or all the farms
of a county with a farming population of as many.
Who paid this to Wilson? Is it in his vest pocket?
No, indeed, but the lie is charged up against Welliver,
Scott C. Bone and Will Hays on the Book of the Day of
Judgment.

Wilson is a Presbyterian elder. So is Hays. If
Wilson is morally vile, why does not Hays undertake
to have him removed from his eldership ? The proposi-
tion that a university president in America can be
morally vile is itself detestable, Warren, who never
went to college, may believe this ; but no college gradu-
ate will.

There is, of course, a cult in America that tries to
make out that Yale, Harvard, Princeton, Ann Arbor
and all other universities are abominations. This cult
is a curse to the land. Those foul parrots say that
Mrs. Wilson I. died because Woodrow Wilson was un-
faithful to her. If so, why did her death cause him to
be so ill for months that he contemplated resigning the
Presidency? Why did not his grown daughters re-
pudiate him? Why did his wife's family immediately
publish contradictions of all the stories of inharmony ?
Why is Professor Anson, of Texas, still one of Wilson's
closest friends, being his first wife's brother? No,
these .stories were all hatched in the disgusting experi-
ences of such people as Mrs. Warren and her paramour,
and duly proven in her divorce from De Wolfe in court.

If Woodrow Wilson lives remote from the rest of
us, how would these Republicans wish him to live? In
an apartment house or in a tenement in some slum?
They charge in the next breath that he frequented the
vile places of Paris. If he went alone, remote and aloof,
how do they know it at all ?

It is quite true that he is now a cripple for life
from a form of paralysis. Does no decent man ever

180

have a stroke of paralysis? He got this while on a
speaking trip among American people, believing that
he must come into close contact with the millions. He
was driven to do this by the hideous flood of calumnies
set on by the Republicans, whose names will be forever
anathema maranatha to decent posterity. We mean
Lodge, Penrose, Harding, Knox, Smoot, the Mormon,
and all their like.

If Woodrow Wilson had been "only a professor,"
the Republicans would never have feared him. A
"professor" is a kind of Ichabod Crane, a ridiculous
person who, because he can do nothing, teaches how
to do it; so they say.

The letters sent by Woodrow Wilson did more dam-
age to the German cause than whole mountain piles of
bombs; they broke the morale of the German people,
and made them doubt their rulers who were qui^e as
abominable as the Republican plutocrats. They t roke
the support behind the lines, which is more mpoitant
than the lines themselves.

The peace of the world is the peace of America;
when the world will not fight because it hates war,
then my son and your son will not have to fight.

He did boss the Peace Conference; and the Repub-
licans are now trying to unscramble the eggs, as J. P.
Morgan put it. The Covenant is the whole of the Peace ;
without it, the Peace is but temporary.

Woodrow Wilson spent no time in the gayeties of
Paris, because there were no gayeties. All that is mere
pro-German talk. France lost a million dead and two
million more wounded in a population of but fifteen
million adult men. Of course, to save tme, the diplo-
mats did eat together.

It is quite true that Wilson has been much under
the influence of good women, his mother, his first and
second wives. But for his second wife, who has nursed

181

him faithfully and attended to much business for him,
he would have been dead by now, and a great man dead
is a statesman, of course; then Henry Cabot Lodge
could have delivered a funeral oration grandiloquently.

If being influenced by good women is a crime, let
us have more of these crimes. All these Mrs. Wilsons,
all three, were very smart women, it so happens, espe-
cially the last. When a man is loved by very smart
women, who have the right to do so, is that a sign of
incompetence ?

As to his being sickly by nature, perhaps. So was
Roosevelt as a boy. In college Wilson was the best
boxer among the thousad men; Princeton has men
students only. After he came out of college he was
the football coach for two years. Physically, he bears
a very close resemblance to the ex-champion, Willard.
He is tall and very strong muscularly.

It is true that at the end of the Presidency, he broke
down in health.

So did Theodore Roosevelt at the end of his seven
years.

Polk survived but one month.

The average expectation of life for the man who
leaves the Presidency after two terms is fourteen
years; the actual realized average is seven years.

The Presidency of the United States is the biggest
job i»^ '■!* world.

lae giant Washington lived but three years after
leavini? the Presidency and died at an age not much
greater than that of Wilson now. He was very ill
while President for more than a year.

Taylor died from the work while in office ; so did
William Henry Harrison. The record is really far worse
than the statistics sound. We have had but two men
survive two consecutive terms of office since the Civil
War, Grant and Roosevelt. Each lived about ten years.

182

Each was a young man when he finished, for these two
were the youngest of all the Presidents. Grant was
but fifty-three at the end of his two terms and Roose-
velt but fifty-one. Cleveland had two terms, but not
consecutive; he also survived about ten years. The
surgeons said that McKinley died when he was shot be-
cause his health had been broken by his toils of office.
His constitution had no vital reserves.

All this, of course will be made use of by Repub-
licans v/ho will argue that now that Harding is in
office, we should praise him with the loot. McKinley
did not lie himself into office. On this argument, the
burglar and murderer would always be safe. Mrs.
Harding already complains of unpleasant stories. Why
dd she use such against a good woman, the real First
Lady, Mrs. Wilson?

No doubt that Wilson had done too many things to
do them all well. So has every other great man.

As for his being pro-British and anti-German, what
should he have been? Neutral, while our boys were
being shot down? Gassed? Starved in prison camps?

At a Jackson Day banquet in Ohio, Professor Wil-
liam Estabrook Chancellor, the white historian, and
not the black neighbor of Warren Harding, made a
speech, which is reported to us as follows, viz.:

"Ladies and Gentlemen: We have heard much as
to the causes w^hy the Democrats were beaten by the
Republicans in the last election. But in one aspect of
the situation I rejoice. The Republicans lied about the
situation and about the men. They bribed many. They
terrorized the women by telling them that the League
meant war. They predicted that our factories would
close down because the Republican capitalists would
not use their funds if Cox should be elected. They
appealed to every mother and wife whose man had
])een drafted. They appealed to the farmers who de-

188

sired a better price for their wheat and wool. They
told the postal clerks that Burleson was a Democrat
and their enemy. They organized the negroes by say-
ing that if the Democrats had their way, they would
disfranchise them. They told the League advocates
that Warren was a pro-I^aguer. They told the anti-
Leaguers that Warren was for America only first, last
and all the time. They told the big capitalists that
they would reduce the income tax. They told the rail-
roaders that they would raise their wages. They tore
out of the Democratic party every man and woman
whom fear, self-interest, greed, "patriotism," fasely
so-called ; pride of country, any and every class interest
could reach. They told the ministers that all the lead-
ing Democrats were on the straight road to hell. We
have left a period when Woodrow Wilson was holding
high ideals of a world of peace and righteousness and
humanity and world brotherhood before us into a
period that reminds me of Jerusalem and the Dead
Sea. There is a story that no living creature can
cross that Sea. Its waters are pestilential ; its heat is
terrific; its ordors cut the lungs. But I for one re-
joice that I belong to the irreducible minimum of the
Democrats who could not be bribed, terrorized, seduced,
misled to the shoi-es of that Sea down, down, down to
its abyss twelve hundred feet below the decent levels
of Old Ocean and more than a half mile below the
Holy City. Nevertheless, as I stand with you upon the
high hills of Mount Zion, I watch with interest the
flight across the Dead Sea of one Black Crow."

The achievements of Wilson during his eight years
read like romance.

He led an army of two millions across the Atlantic
and organized a reserve of two millions more, the best
equipped army in the history of the world, and next to

184

the largest, the only larger army being that of Ger-
many itself.

He secured within a few years $32,000,000,000 of
funds for the war, by far the great supply of currency
and bonds that the world ever saw.

The percentage of graft in the spending of this
money was so small as to be negligible. Many of the
men who spent money were Republicans. He used men
from both parties freely, too freely when their in-
gratitude to him is considered.

Pershing is a Republcian, and has a father-in-law
worth twenty-five million dollars, a United States sen-
jitor from Wyoming. He commanded the troops. On
the ocean, Admiral Sims is a Republican. Benedict
Crowell, who was the head of army purchases, was a
Republican. Gates who headed supplies in Europe was
a Republican. Hoover was a Republican, and so was
Garfield. Yet all the errors of the war are charged
to Wilson and the Democrats.

Nevertheless, Wilson was the head of the Govern-
ment, and Wilson won the war so far as America ever
did win the war.

He organized the Federal Reserve Banking System
that has taken the money power from Wall Street and
distributed it in twelve regional cities.

He began the Farm Loan System.

He made prohibition effective, though opposed to
it on principle.

He worked hard for and helped woman suffrage
win.

He put across the income and excess profits taxes
that made the rich bear the heavier burdens, as they
can. Thereby he relieved the poor.

His worst mistake was in permitting the inflation
of the currency with paper.

It has been said that he blundered when he asked

185

the American people to elect Democrats to Congress.
What has the history of the past two years proven?
What is the present opinion of America about Truman
H. Newberry, of Michigan, a Republican? His vote
defeated the Peace.

Wilson obeyed no man, and he made the Presidency
powerful.

The Constitution in Article II says that "The
Executive power shall be vested in a President of the
United States." Where do we wish the power vested?
In a Regency to be managed by Mrs. Warren Harding,
the Duchess ; H. M. Daugherty, and Boies Penrose? Or
do we v/ish to have the Senate run the country?

The Presidents look like this: USED ALL THE
POWERS OF OFFICE WELL: Washington, Jefferson,
Jackson, Lincoln, Cleveland, Roosevelt, and Wilson.
BADLY: Polk and Grant.

Very few others, possibly Madison and McKinley,
will even be mentioned in the histories of five thousand
years from now except by mere name to fill the list.

Where is Warren Harding headed? For the same
oblivion as the rest? He has already pledged himself
not to act precipitately. This means not to act with-
out finding out what the big men desire. That is what
every negro butler instinctively does; he wishes to
have his master decide for him.

No President has ever resigned and no negro ever
commits suicide; we tried to mpeach one man but
failed. Reform is possible. Most Presidents steadily
grow less and less popular; what will be the fate of
Harding?

J. Adams, J. Q. Adams, Van Buren, Pierce, Polk,
Buchi^nan, Hayes, who was not elected properly though
he got the legal papers ; B. Harrison, Taft, each served
one term. What is to be the case with this man who

186 . . , . .

went in by the methods of an election made to order
for him by the looters of America?

The Peace Treaty will gradually fade out from the
views of man, as nations and world conditions change;
but the League of Nations, with already forty-two
actual members, will never die out. Clemenceau and
Sonnino and Lloyd George may have controlled the
terms of the peace, but Woodrow Wilson laid down
the railroad tracks into the far remote future of the
human race. This part of their work will be forgotten
like all peace treaties, but the League will no more be
forgotten than will the Code of Justinian, Magna
Charta and the American Federal Constitution, the
ground-work of all modern democracies. In the storm
of present day politics, Wilson at home was apparently
beaten — on the theory that Cox was "his man," but
in the long run of humanity across the ocean of Time,
Wilson will be remembered as the man who charted
the course. So far from being beaten at Versailles,
he won.

Wilson stood for these things, each eternally right,
viz.:

1. The principle of self-determination for all peo-
ples, which means the right of little nationalities
against great empires, the conformity of boundary lines
with race and other natural delimitations.

2. The necessity of machinery and organization to
bring the nations of the world into parliament with one
another, and thereby to establish a confederation of
mankind.

3. The paramount wickedness of war — to avoid,
which is the first business of mankind.

On this subject we have found two pieces of verse
by William Estabrook Chancellor, which we reprint
here:

187
The League is Dead. Long Live the League

They said, "His day is done, and all he sought

Forever into vanity has passed."
Lo, History to her verdicts comes not fast !

The troubled people oft for a time are caught
In snares that crafty men have wrought.

The clock ticks on, and only right ways last.
He set mankind upon a program vast.

What others dreamed, he shaped, and for it fought.
Was he defeated? The battle comes and goes.

Empires and nations in the chains of peace
He helped to harness. Though him we failed.

His plan is fact, which shall dissolve our woes.
Inveterate thinker, thou shalt give surcease

From care, and men will say, "His soul prevailed."

CHAPTER XIII
HAMON AND HARDING

The relation of the now world-known Hamon mur-
der case to the Harding candidacy is orally familiar to
most intelligent Americans ; the story is told here with
much brevity, though in itself the most interesting
phase of the whole political history of the Presidential
campaign of 1920. It so happened that the mere fact
that Professor Chancellor, through his many news-
paper acquaintances and friends, was thoroughly in-
formed about the Hamon phase was a potent cause,
perhaps the most potent cause, of his being encouraged
to get out of the reach of the Republican plutocrats
for a time.

Jake Hamon was about forty-five years old at the
time of his murder by Clara Smith, who was acquitted
for reasons and from causes of the most exciting
nature. As the people of Ardmore and Rankin and
Oklahoma City, where Hamon was best known, put it
to Professor Chancellor, when he surveyed the field:
"Someone had to kill Jake; perhaps it was best Clara
do it."

Jake was a big-bodied man some five feet nine
inches tall, claimed German and Indian blood, and had
an indescribable complexion, like the Mississippi in a
freshet at sunset. He may have had Spanish or
Portuguese blood. According to the business standards
and practices of Oklahoma and the Oil country, he
was an exceedingly able business man. At any rate,
being on the ground floor from the start, he made and
lost millions, and died with an estate and reported in

138

189

the newspapers after appraised at $5,000,000 assets, to
$1,800,000. Public opinion credits him with having
conveyed, in trust, at least ten millions in assets to
others, as anchors to the windward in the event of a
smash-up of various speculative enterprises ; but public
opinion may be totally wrong. At the worst, he died
worth three millions and more.

Ten years ago, he already had a wife and children
in Kansas, the wife being Georgia Harding, cousin of
Warren G. Harding, then a politician of Ohio. She was
colored like himself and made no claims to being any-
thing else. They lived in a world of all races and of all
mixtures of all races, Chinese included, and Mexican.
Color was nothing — a joke.

But Jake had the traits of his primitive people ; one
trait being that he was a born polygamist and woman-
chaser. Already among other women he had taken
Clara Smith. This was as deliberate on her part as
his ; he saw her in a store tending a customer, followed
her up took her to his office, and made a deal with
her to educate her as his private secretary for the
usual consideration exacted by loose grls. She was
then eghteen and understood what the affair was. He
sent her to a private school in Lawrence, Kansas, and
while she was still in that school learning English
and shorthand, sent for her often to see him in Topeka,
for purposes easily surmised.

Clara was a brunette and slight in person, and has
negro blood. She used rouge and cosmetics and got
herself up regardless of expense. Jake was "making a
million" a year and often that much a month.

Among all the women Jake fancied, Clara developed
most ability.

When not drunk, Jake was not only amiable, but
even agreeable and polite. He was seldom more than
a quarter drunk. "He could stand as much likker as

i90

any man in Oklahoma," was the way the men on the
street put it. But occasionally he did get very drunk;
then he was a demon, all-furious Indian. Then Clara
was the only one who could even partially tame him.
Such sprees lasted usually several days.

They drove over the praries and planes together,
looking up petroleum and refineries and pipelines and
railroads and markets. They occupied adjoining rooms
in hotels, or when hotels were crowded, the same room.
At last some of the rich eastern operators who were
using Hamon to stalk yet bigger pi'ey objected, and
for appearances sake Jake married Clara off to a
worthless nephew whom he prevented from ever see-
ing her alone. After that they traveled as uncle and
niece, a very raw proposition, but in a very raw land.

Occasionally Jake visited his legal wife with the re-
sult that she bore one more child to him. Clara had
no children. Mrs. Georgia at last agreed to accept a
fine apartment and plenty of money and to live in
Chicago without her man.

Jake L. Hamon built the city of Rankin. He helped
make the city of Ardmore. He was a power. He even
went in for Boy Scouts and Y. M. C. A.'s. He was a
spender and a mixer. When people complained about
his morals — for he had women friends besides Clara,
stationed at various points, though Clara was the head
of the harem — men said, "Oh, it's Jake's way; we can
not change him." They ate together in hotels; they
even went together to the homes of friends. Every
one knew the situation. Jake gave to Clara the finest
of motor cais and of clothes. She worked hard for
him when with him, writing his telegrams and letters
and mending his clothes. She developed an expert
knowledge of oil and oil men.

Then came the amazing news to Georgia Harding
that her cousin was going to try to become President.

101

Jake also heard of it. They had never broken with one
another; they met and talked over what they could do.
Then thej- went to Ohio to see Warren. Both of them
knew him, of course. Warren sent them to H. M.
Daugherty, who said that what he most needed was
money. Jake said he had enough. We have been un-
able to get all the details of what was actually given by
Jake to Warren Harding's nomination campaign and
later spent by him for the election, naturally. Jake
did not much care; he had enough to see it through.

But the common report is that H. M. Daugherty
got in all for the nomination campaign in Ohio two
hundred thousand dollars, and won most of the dele-
gates with this money. He admitted spending one
hundred thousand dollars.

There was a hot fight for the Oklahoma delega-
tion. Jake won the State Committee Chairmanship at
a cost of forty-six thousand dollars. But Lowden got
the instruction to the delegates to support him for the
nomination.

Meantime, Daugherty had opened offices for Hard-
ing in Chicago, with more of Jake's money. It is be-
lieved that the direct office expenses were seventy-
eight thousand dollars.

Then came the Convention. P^or a money considera-
tion, the Oklahoma delegation, after a few ballots,
abandoned Lowden for Harding; this is said to have
cost in all directly another $50,000,00. Other delega-
tions were bought ; other Harding votes were secured ;
and of the total how much came from Jake is un-
knouTi, The total was something like $300,000.00.
It was not a convention of "cheap skates." Some dele-
gates went home with net profits of $25,000.00,

Jake went into the campaign with the definite
promise of being made Secretary of the Interior in the

192

event that Harding won. With this power American
Oil would win Mexico.

In all, Hamon spent from $900,000 to $1,500,000.
We give the two extremes of the Oklahoma estimates.
There are three living persons who know how much
Hamon spent — H. M. Daugherty, Clara Smith Hamon,
now in the vaudeville field, and Ketchum, the manager
of the Hamon estate. This raises the question of the
debts of $1,800,000.00. It appears that Hamon bor-
rowed from Standard Oil Banks and companies all the
monies he spent with the understanding that when he
got to be Secretary of the Interior and opened up
Mexico to the Standard Oil Interests, the notes were to
be charged over to profit and loss. On this claim,
since by being killed, he was unable to become Secre-
tary of the Interior, the Hamon estate is trying to get
the notes cancelled for the benefit of Georgia Harding
Hamon and her three children.

Harding did win, and Harding went out to Okla-
homa to see his cousins. Already, the word had reached
himself and the Duchess that Hamon had an inamorata
who might be in the way in Washington ; they desired
Georgia to get the limelight, not Clara. Eastern
women disfavor the Clara Smiths of the oil country.

Hamon had for his cousins a fine banquet at Okla-
homa City, and at this affair Mrs. Warren Gamaliel
Harding put her right hand upon the shoulder of the
oil king and called him "Our dear Jake," and told the
people how grateful she was for the terribly hard work
he had done to win Oklahoma.

They took Jake, but not Clara, down to Point Isabel,
Texas. There was a big storm down there but the ex-
ternal storm was not so great as the one inside the
fishing camp, where Senators Fall, Hale and Freling-
hysen told Jake Hamon to go back and clean house,
while Warren and Florence Harding sat sadly by and

193

watched Jake's Torment, for, as we shall see, Jake
loved his tall, lithe, clever, attractive quadroon woman.
But he wished to make a very great fortune, and he
wished the honor of being in the Cabinet. Really, he
thought, ''Where do they get that stuff? What is the
matter? Ain't Clara satisfied?"

But he went back home, first, to Rankin and told
the city officials to send all the "Dames" and "Skirts
sky-hooting," which they did. Then he went down to
Ardmore and he saw Clara and he told her. All that
she asked was this: "Her clothes and motor cars and
jewelry and $1500.00 cash to begin again."

This made him think that Clara did not love him,
and he went out and took several drinks. When he
came back he was somewhat drunk. He went to Clara's
room and expostulated with her. But she only sent
him away again. Then he took some more drinks.
By this time anger at her and desire for her had got-
ten the better of his temper, and he started to whip
her. She resisted. Then he hit her again; and she
took up a little pearl-handled revolver and pointed it
at him. He seized a chair and rased it. Clara swung,
like a cat, behind him, and "plugged" him one. It en-
tered his back behind his liver and he ran out into the
hallway and into another room. Clara rushed after
him, and put her arms around him; but others who
had heard the shot came in, and he said to them:
"Well, the girl has got the old man at last."

A few days later Jake died.

All this might have come out at the trial, but the
Standard Oil Company said "NO."

Only that part was allowed in the record which ex-
plained why Clara had the revolver. And how she shot
him. And what he said.

The jury had no desire to hang a woman or even
put her away for life; also she might run around and

tell all she knew. Therefore, they made her and her
parents comfortable by acquitting her on the ground
of self-defense.

She is now at large and she may tell her story.
This is the story we have told.

This is no Evelyn Thaw ruined girl story. It is
merely the brutal outline of the plutocracy and it's tools
in the raw west.

And Senator I'all, who did the advising of Hamon,
will have to answer in the highest court where all men
have their Great Assize, how he adjusted his own con-
science to his part in the business. He asked Hamon
to do something which was virtually suicide.

Through this dead man's money, or that of the
Standard Oil men, many of whom are very religious,
Warren Harding lives in the White House. It is a sick*
ening fact for decent men to endure. How the White
House can ever be cleared of the odor of this pertoleum
is a serious problem for the future of our American
social order.

Hamon, bad as he was, was a better man than the
man whom he placed there in the White House, and he
played a finer game.

The American Press all know this story ; but they
have preferred to let the friends of Professor Chan-
cellor here and now tell it.

We dare them to start a war in Mexico, once that
the public knows this story.

Will the nerve of the Secretary of the Interior hold
out?

CHAPTER XIV
THE ELECTION MADE TO ORDEB

In the first place, it is desirable to make clear why
the Republicans were so tremendously concerned about
winning the election of 1920. They made an extra-
ordinary effort, an effort hitherto unequalled in Ameri-
can political history, and there was a campaign un-
equalled in its violence of street and countryside gossip
and final newspaper filth, whence the sluice gates of
Republican billingsgate were opened upon a man in
no way responsible for telling that which was charged
against Harding.

The Republican campaign really began as soon as
Woodrow Wilson decided to go to France to represent
the Republic as he had the full constitutional right to
g. He was the head of the Government, commander-
in-chief of the army and navy, head of foreign affairs,
head of expenditures. First, the Republicans tried
to show that legally he could not go outside of the
three-mile limits of our coasts; if he did, the Vice-
President would automatically succeed him, but it was
shown that Theodore Roosevelt had gone outside of
those limits, and this settled that notion. Then in
succession came arguments that it was unwise to do so,
unsafe lest the chief be assassinated, undignified, im-
practicable, monarchical, etc. This line of argument
showed that the real trouble lay in the desire of the
Republicans, who, in the election of 1918, had won
control of Congress, to control the foreign affairs
through the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs.

But there was more behind the situation than the

196

196

surface revealed. There were ancient grudges. Wood-
row Wilson was an interloper upon the national politi-
cal scene, while some of the Senators had served for
many years. The Democrats never were good diplo-
mats ; all the brainy and nice-mannered diplomats were
Republicans. It was true years and years ago that
Thomas Jefferson had gotten the Louisiana Territory
for the Republic, and that Polk had gotten a big slice
farther southwest; and a few details like that; but in
general the Republicans were far more competent than
the Democrats in foreign affairs. Also, they took
more interest in the commerce and finance of the
foreign lands than did the Democrats ; they cared more
about the welfare of the business interests and of the
business men.

There was another bunch of ancient grudges. Wood-
row Wilson was a graduate and former President of
Princeton University, while Henry Cabot Lodge was
a graduate of Harvard. It was intolerable, it was even
unseemly for Princeton to head the diplomatic business
of the nation when a Harvard man was available in the
person of Henry Cabot Lodge. Moreover, the Massa-
chusetts Senator had been the maker and adviser of no
less than Theodore Roosevelt, greatest of all Ameri-
cans; he had far more experience than Woodrow Wil-
son had, and again, Senator Lodge had written many
histories in competition with Wilson, which histories,
until Wilson became President, sold decidedly better
than those of Wilson. Moreover, Lodge came from
old New England families and had the colonial hatreds
and distrusts of Europe and especially of England in
his bones. It would never do to send over Wilson, when
it was so much better to send over the very distin-
guished Senators. Again, Lodge was very rich, worth
millions by inheritance and natural increase, while
Wilson was worth nothing and had a wife in business,

197

a wife who indeed had gone every year to Paris to
buy jewels and jewelery at wholesale, a business
woman; it was shocking. She was behind it all.

The far worst of all, if a Democrat made the Treaty
of Peace, it would be for FREE TRADE among the
nations, and that would ruin the rich protected manu-
facturers of New England and of Pennsylvania.

But Woodrow Wilson went.

In 1918, the Republicans had filled the ears of the
common people and society folks alike with gossip of
the horrible moral character of the sage from Prince-
ton, hoping thereby to elect Hughes. But what they
said in 1916 was nothing to what they now prepared
to say in 1920.

As soon as Wilson landed, Judson C. Welliver was
there also. Then began at once a series of defamatory
articles of subtle and even open attack upon Wilson
such as the world has never seen since the days of the
Roman Empire,.

It is unnecessary here to repeat the calumnies, for
they have been told elsewhere in this book. Wilson
was wholly unfit. The world had gone after another
false Messiah.

This stuff was sent home daily to the great Repub-
lican magazines and nev/spapers. It was talked of in
the Senate and House, especially in the lobbies. There
is a saying in Scripture Revelations, last chapters, that
perfectly fits their case, "They had made and they be-
lieved their own lies."

In the meantime at home, they were working out
several problems, and they were doing the work well.

They hired agents provocateurs to go about among
the people at their daily tasks and tell them that Wil-
son was this, that and what else. They went out among
the Republicans and told them to organize and save
the country (?)— Oh, no, SAVE THE GRAND OLD

198

REPUBLICAN PARTY. This phrase began by the
Autumn of 1918 to have the sanctity of a religious con-
fession — We must save the paiiiy.

It had split under Taft into two parties, and it had
been defeated under the leadership, so-called, of
Charles Evans Hughes. It looked like a dead cock in
the political pit.

They went out among the rich and began to raise
funds through various appeals to restore the business
men's party.

They found a cheerful youth who had the air of
sanctity from being an elder in a Presbyterian countrj^
church in Sullivan, Indana, and who had a name that
suggested the amiable and the easy and the bucolic —
Will H. Hayes, not William. He knew Indiana politics
which are not less bad than Illinois politics and almost
as void of ideas as Ohio politics. This man they made
Chairman of the Republican National Committee, and
they gave him money to go around everywhere and
get the boys together.

Raise the money. Get the money. Send in the
money. These were the slogans. Of course, this re-
iterated suggestion worked. The Americans are an
impressionable people.

There was another problem — Whom to nominate?
The managers did a very clever thing here; they de-
cided to permit an acrid, vigorous, determined and
costly lot of pre-convention campaigns in order to
create the impression that only the Republican nomina-
tion was worth anything. It would not matter whom
the Democrats named.

They had another aspect of this plan. If the cam-
paigns for nominations cost a lot, the people would
get used to the notion that the election must cost a lot
more.

And there was a third aspect also. The candidates

199

would get so tired fighting one another that they
would all fall in behind the winner, and make it a
united, harmonious party, because no one had money
or nerve enough to bolt.

By the advice of Scott Ferris and of Carter Glass,
when he went into the Congressional campaign in
1918, President Wilson made the very great technical
blunder of asking for a Democratic Congress to sup-
port him in the Peace dealings. This was very im-
portant to have, as the event showed, but it was very
bad politics to say so.

President Wilson went to Paris and around in
Europe twice and in all was there about six months.
He did not spend his entire time as President there,
as the Republicans tried to make out. Nor did he lay
aside all domestic business, as they alleged. He was
attending to the most important governmental proposi-
tion that the world ever faced — its lasting peace
through a machine to permit the keeping of peace
among the nations forever.

Remember these dates:

Wilson-Taft-Hughes campaign, 1912.

Wilson-Hughes campaign, 1916.

War declared against Germany for cause April,
1917.

Armistice and victory, November, 1918.

Congressional election, November, 1918.

Wilson in Paris December, 1918, to February, and
April to June, 1919.

Wilson stricken on tour, September, 1919.

Active campaigns for nominations began December,
1919.

Republican National Convention, June, 1920.

Democratic, July.

Election, November, 1920.

President Wilson came home from his temfic

200

strain in Europe worn out physically, and he found
tha this personal prestige had been broken by the in-
famous gossip from the organization headed by
Welliver, This Welliver became Publicity Director of
the Republican National Committee. Therefore, Wil-
son went out among the people from Coast to Coast to
let them see him, and seeing him, hear his argument.
It is historically false to say that if he had been a
stronger man he could have endured anyway. Abra-
ham Lincoln, as his portraits show, was a broken man
in April, 1865, when he was assassinated; tradition
calls him a very strong man. The mighty Washington,
compelled to endure violent and merciless detraction,
died but two years after he left the Presidency. Wo
have discussed this elsewhere. Whatever such crea-
tures as the aristocratic Lodge, the plutocratic Pen-
rose, the Mormon millionaire Smoot, and the rest o!
the group that set about to ruin Wilson, may think re-
garding themselves, historians will record the truth,
which is that:

1. They set power and success above truth and
right.

2. They attacked a man morally better than them-
selves for political purposes only, knowing that they
were lying and organizing lies.

3. They set the interests of the Republican poli-
ticians above the interests of the American people.

4. And they defeated world peace.

They have filled up the cup of their iniquities, and
we have set them in condemnation.

There were several great campaigns organized for
the Republican nomination.

First comes Leonard Wood, Major General of the
U. S. A., long-time friend and military mentor of Theo-
dore Roosevelt and Progressive. He advocated

1. The League of Nations.

201

2. Universal military training.

3. Moderate tariff and world trade.

He had a fine record as an executive in many-
capacities.

He was supported by most of the Eastern Pro-
gressives, and in particular by Colonel Procter, of Cin-
cinnati, the soap multi-millionaire and philanthropist.

Professor William Estabrook Chancellor gave out
early in the Spring that if Wood did secure the Republi-
can nomination with a decent Vice-Presidential candi-
date, he would turn Republican. He did this from per-
sonal regard for General Wood, his education and an-
cestry in New England.

This ends the Republican falsehood that Professor
Chancellor was a hide-bound partisan Democrat, which
everyone who knows him, knows is utterly false.

He is, however, now a party Democrat since his
treatment by the Republican National Committee and
present Administration. He believes that the Republi-
can party has sold out to the plutocracy.

Second comes Governor Frank A. Lowden, of Il-
linois.

He is a lawyer who never practiced much, but who
married a daughter of the great builder of sleeping
cars, George M. Pullman, and who has attended to
the business affairs of the Pullman estate since then,
a genuine plutocrat of the plutocrats. He is, of course,
a very industriaus, capable business man, not without
ability in politics.

This man represented the standpatism of the Re-
publican party in the Middle West. He began a great
campaign. He spent in all some two million dollars,
which happened to be thirty-three per cent more than
William Cooper Procter spent for Leonard Wood; but
unfortunately, being a business man, and not a public
leader, he did not use the Procter-Wood methods.

202 - . - -

Procter went in for publicity for his man; he opened
headquarters, had an enormous amount of posters
printed setting forth the excellence of his candidate,
advertised him in a thousand or more newspapers and
magazines, sent him on a tour of the entire country
and bought up no delegates. Lowden did but little pub-
licity work. Instead, he bought up political bosses
right and left and delegates galore; he was caught in
Missouri getting two men for the low price of $2,500
each, which was absurd. This got into the newspapers,
and the publicity was damaging. Unfortunately, the
CHICAGO TRIBUNE was not for Lowden, but for
Wood, and allowed the information to get wide read-
ing. Lowden desired what the Republican plutocrats
all desired, which we have shown elsewhere.

Then, third, there was Hiram Johnson, who broke
Hughes in 1920 in California, and who beat Herbert
Hoover in the Republican primaries out there.

Johnson is a United States Senator and for a
time he was Governor of California, with a very fine
record of performance for the public welfare. He had
a real program.

He supported several measures in 1920 in the very
wide speaking campaign upon which he went.

1. He favored no I^eague whatever with European
nations. He was nationalistic in an extreme form. "Let
America stay at home."

2. He favored legislation to help the wage-earners.

3. He looked upon the Non-Partisan league of the
Dakotas with pleasure; the farmers could trust him
not to let the grain elevator and railroad men take all
the profits.

There were other candidates before the people, but
these three were the leaders; they had most of the
delegates. The others included Nicholas Murray But-
ler, who had been a friend both of Roosevelt and of

208

Taft, and is President of the greatest university of
the country, and Calvin Coolidge, of Massachusetts,
who had raised against the Boston police the slogan.
"Law and order!" And among the "others" was
Warren G. Harding, of Ohio. Few imagined that he
would win.

Not trusting at all the amounts given by the vari-
ous managers, it is still true that relatively the sums
expended for Butler and Coolidge were negligible ; per-
haps a hundred thousand dollars each. Why anything
at all?

We have told elsewhere how vast was the sum se-
cretly expended for Warren Harding. Harding had no
program. He supported nothing. He was "available"
for any platform whatever.

Johnson was an orator, a demagogue, perhaps, but
an orator. Side by side with him was United States
Senator William E. E. Borah, also an orator. Butler
was an educator and philosopher, incidentally himself
rich, a good speaker, a better writer, a political expert
in New York State. Coolidge was a fair lawyer, a life-
long officeholder, poor in purse, and no plutocrat. We
have tried to show elsewhere abundantly what Harding
really was.

The real strength of the different men among the
delegates as among the people was by no means shown
at any time by the votes cast in the Convention, The
delegates had been chosen in general in two different
ways — by old-style state conventions and by new-style
party primaries. In some cases, the conventions or the
primaries had instructed the delegates for whom to
votes in the convention.

The strength of Wood consisted in the fact that
most of his delegates actually did believe in him and
came from States that had instructed them to vote
for him as nominee. The weakness of Johnson con-

204

sisted in the fact that though his delegates were in-
structed for him, generally they were ready to abandon
him. Politicians are not generally men who fancy
Hiram Johnson.

Lowden was strong at first because his men had
been bought and paid for, and had to deliver their
votes accordingly.

But Daugherty, of Ohio, Avho had most of the Ohio
votes for Harding, seven only being for Leonard Wood,
had predicted two weeks previously that "at 2:11 a. m.
in some hotel room a dozen men sitting together would
pick the man, and that day the Convention would nomi-
nate him." What Daugherty predicted, he knew would
come to pass.

Let us now take a glance at some things that Pro-
fessor William Estabrook Chancellor knew already.
Business took him to Lima, Ohio, early in June. At a
hotel there, he sat at a table next to the table where
was seated a party of men whom he knew. One of
these men was the paid agent of the standpat Re-
publicans who happens to be president of a small col-
lege and also of a national association dealing with
world questions, his name is familiar to many, John
Wesley Hill. This man, long in the pay of the Re-
publicans, goes about the country making speeches
ostensibly for religious ends, but always containing at-
tacks upon Democratic interests. This Doctor Hill at
his table arose and in a very loud voice, told the entire
roomful of men eating, "V/ell, I wish everyone to know
that we are going to have a safe and sane President
next time; he is an Ohio man, and his name is Warren
Harding. I have just seen him; I am on my way to
the Chicago Convention, which will certainly nomi-
nate him."

This was not a banquet ; he said it because he was
being paid to create sentim.ent for Harding. He won.

205

In another chapter we have told where the money
came from to nominate Harding.

Professor Chancellor was present at the Chicago
Convention all day when Harding was nominated. He
talked with many of the delegates. He saw what hap-
pened. But not until March of the present year did he
get the whole inside of the case; what we now tell is
the substance of what was told to him by Oklahoma oil
men, members of the Oklahoma delegation, and what
Professor Chancellor himself saw at the Convention.

There is nothing in this report that should surprise
any intelligent man who read the newspapers of the
time. It explains the inside of what occurred.

The last day was smeltering hot; after a very hot
night.

All night long, in rooms taken by Colonel George R.
McClellan Harvey, the insiders had been working out
the plan to land Harding that day. It cost them $50,000
to turn the Oklahoma delegation from Lowden to whom
it was pledged to Harding. The runners came in from
time to time to tell Harding and Harvey and Daugherty
and the others present how the business of getting the
delegates was going forward.

One Republican leader came in at midnight and said
that he had three questions to ask Hardng before he
would let his State swing to Harding. Harding asked
what the questions were.

First, the man asked, "Have you ever been bank-
rupt?"

Second, he asked, "Have you ever had any trouble,
public trouble, over women?"

Third, he asked, "We hear that there is a rumor
among the Johnson men that you have negro blood;
what about this?"

To the first queslon, Harding answered a point-
blank "No."

206

He had a long answer to the second, which went
well enough.

Daugherty answered the third by saying: "Ohio
elected Harding United States Senator. Is not that
enough?"

The State leader went out and aligned his men for
Harding; since the election, he has been doing some
tall swearing. He handled a lot of the Harding money.

At 8 o'clock a. m., the delegates had already been
told that on the day they would be able to go home,
for Harding was "the man.*'

At noon they were a wretched, gloomy lot, anxious,
fearing exposure, and many of them really fearing de-
feat in the Autumn. They have experienced some-
thing worse than defeat; they have experienced the
chagrin of discovering that under Harding, they have
but a shadow for President.

As soon as the Convention was called to order that
morning, the colored delegates of whom there v^^ere in
attendance 176 in all, not counting the alternates, in a
total of not quite 1,000 delegates, withdrew as usual to
the sidewalk, leaving their proxies in the hands of the
chairmen of their State delegations. They were to be
voted in blocks according to the number of their State
delegates. This solved the problem for the bosses in
respect to one-sixth of all the votes, or one-third of
the number necessary to nominate. No one knows how
much these colored brothers were paid for their votes
each except the bribers and the bribed ; but a group of
told Professor Chancellor that they were anxious to get
home and spend their money ; and when he asked them
how much they got, they said their travelling expenses,
their board bills, their incidentals and their wages.
None came away emptyhanded. They were serving
the interests of their common country and ours by
making a living in politics. They were handled by

207

Frank H. Hitchcock, former United States Postmaster
General, who makes a specialty every four years of fix-
ing the Southern delegates in the Republican Conven-
tion. Hitchcock went to Washington to be a Govem-
ment clerk at $1,600 a year about 1900; and when he
got through with the Taf t steamroller work in the Re>
publican Convention of 1912, he was rated in Washing-
ton at $600,000; he is a bachelor who has found his
proper work in the field of National politics. South-
erners and New Englanders traded in negroes for plan-
tation slaves and for breeding stock; Hitchcock has a
new wrinkle. He trades in negroes for political slaves
to use in Republican Conventions. It was with very
great pleasure that the negroes did vote for Harding,
because they were told —

First, that he has negro blood.

Second, that he would appoint negroes to many
more offices than any other President has ever done.

But they were wise enough not to vote for even
their colored brother until they got the cash for doing
so. The negro is not in politics for his health.

No negro ever gets a place as a delegate in a
Democratic Convention. When the negro race leams
to split their vote, then Democrats will give some of
them places in their counsels. But while the race votes
solid, it can be nothing but a chattel of the party for
whose candidates the race votes.

Ballot after ballot was taken. Slowly the strength
faded away from Butler and Johnson and Lowden to
Harding, who came through with a small majority in
sight at the beginning of the eighth ballot. There was
a swing to Harding, but no stampede. Slowly the votes
bought were delivered, and the delegates looked sicker
and sicker.

To appease their angry consciences, they stam-
peded to Calvin Coolidge for Vice-President.

208

The Wood delegates never abandoned their man. It
was a question for several days whether the General
and his followers would not bolt.

Nicholas Murray Butler advertised the Wood cam-
paign as one financed by the war munitions manufac-
turers ; but for this he apologized, bringing out thereby
the fact that the Wood campaign, wise or unwise, was
a philanthropic effort of a multi-millionaire to make
a good man President. Whether Wood decided to re-
main in the Republican camp because he was already
promised something or not, only he and a few others
can tell. But he was soon publicly announced as the
head of the Philippine-Japanese inquiry and not much
later the prediction was made that he would become
the head of the Republican-managed University of
Pennsylvania, at Philadelphia. Both predictions came
true. He is now in the Far East on the Government
business indicated and he has already been elected
head of that great University, which he will adorn and
manage, as well as any Republican can manage a uni-
versity.

Republicans do not believe in truth and freedom;
otherwise, they have many good qualities as educators.

The delegates went home, and going home, they
expressed many a fear that they were in for a licking.
But Will H. Hays and Judson C. Welliver and the pluto-
crats told them not to be afraid ; that victory was cer-
tain.

Harding announced his front porch campaign and
his desire to meet the people at his own home. Then
began the most deliberate lying of a continued and
systematic kind that America ever saw in any Presi-
dential campaign.

When a train of visitors ran to Marion, it was
credited with many times the actual number of dele-
gates. One afternoon a delegation entirely failed to

209

show up, but all the papers next day printed the speech
and told about "the aplause of the great crowd."

All the Marion tradespeople were coerced into plac-
ing many pictures of the black face of Warren in their
windows. The slogan was, "Elect Harding and bring
business to Maron."

Doctor George Tryon Harding buttonholed all his
neighbors and many others, begging them to "Help
elect my boy." In some instances, Democrats pro-
tested that the "boy" was a negro, but the old man
nevertheless persisted in his appeal.

The banks kept at it; they even sent out letters to
other banks. Inquiries started regarding the colored
blood, but the banks in order to "bring business to
Marion" either ignored the inquiry or denied the truth.

When the local Democratic newspaper printed
10,000 copies of the true photograph of George Tryon
Harding and needed more, the photo original was stolen
in the office of the rival newspaper to which the
postcarrier had delivered it by "mistake." When the
Democratic Postmaster was asked by other postmasters
and others also as to the truth about Harding, he was
told if he told the truth and the Republicans won, he
would lose his job.

THE STAR got all the Associated Press news on
time; but the Democratic paper found itself in many
difficulties, even to spies among its own employes,
paper upon which to go to press, etc.

The Republicans set out to prove to America that
Marion was "all for Harding."

They promised to Father James M. Dennison, of
the local Roman Catholic Church the consulate at
Rome, Italy, for his support; which brought in the
Catholic vote.

They threatened the employes of the iron and other

210

works in Marion with business depression and no wages
if the Democrats won.

They sent men out among the farmers to tell them
that Wilson was the cause of the low price of their
wool.

This is told at the present point in order to show
how the Republicans succeeded in making all the visi-
tors feel that Harding would win his home town, and
therefore was not a negro.

At this very time, at one and the same time, they
were sending light-colored negroes to every part of
Ohio, Indiana and Illinois to tell the colored people that
Warren was one of themselves. This was preached in
many churches.

We may turn from this now to the Democratic
situation. The doctrine of Fate is an easy one; the
Democrats are now trying to comfort themselves by
saying that they never had a chance. What is the
truth?

Neither Republicans nor Democrats foresaw that
Tennessee would confirm the Amendment for equal
suffrage. If they had foreseen this, neither would
have dared to nominate the men they did. Not fore-
seeing the woman vote, the Democrats thought only
of what the men would say about the candidates.

There were three leading candidates, and really no
dark horses anywhere on the horizon or in the woods.

One was William G. McAdoo, "the Crown Prince."
He was the son-in-law of Woodrow Wilson, and Wilson
himself was never popular with the leading Democratic
politicians. He was popular enough with the working
people ; but he had no other strength. The politicians
believed that Wilson would kill the chances of the
Democrats with McAdoo at the head. America desires
no dynasty in the White House, thongh the Repub-
licans are now heading T. R., Jr., who is rich, for that

211

place. T. R. left almost three millions of an estate,
and his children by marriage are worth fifty or sixty
millions. T. R., Jr., has a very rich wife. We say this
in order to get the minds of Americans ready for an
attempt to create a Roosevelt dynasty.

McAdoo was "dry" and pro-suffrage. The Tam-
many outfit of New York "had no use for him."

A. Mitchell Palmer, the handsomest man in politics,
was frightfully handicapped by coming from Pennsyl-
vania, being in the Wilson Cabinet and being bitterly
anti-Boche.

He was "impossible" according to the politcians.
W. G. McAdoo had money, and though not of the plu-
tocracy, could get a big campaign fund; but Palmer
could get no money for the campaign.

Then there was "our own Jimmy Cox" of Ohio,
from Harding's own State, the best Governor Ohio
ever had, worth "millions" and a great campaigner.
Cox was "it."

There were but two possible objections to him: one
was that he also reputed to be "wet"; and the other
was that he had a divorced wife living, a cousin of
Warren Harding's. In all other respects, he filled the
bill. He could carry Ohio surely.

They would capture the progressives by naming
Franklin D. Roosevelt, cousin of T. R., whose wife also
was a cousin of T. R. It was certainly a fine-looking
team.

But the women got the vote.

Then the Democrats dug up the unpleasant fact
that the wife of Harding had been "married" before,
and was a "divorced" woman. This the Republicans
answered truthfully enough by stating that Mrs. Hard-
ing was not running for President, that her "first
husband" was dead; and in fact he had not been

212

married to her, and therefore could not have been di-
vorced from her. This has been shown elsewhere.

The religious sentimentalists are now face to face
with this problem — whether to vote for a divorced man
or for a man who had married a discarded woman.
They decided quite generally to do what looked best,
what "public morals" required; they decided to vote
for the colored man. They were much disconcerted
about this color business from the fact that the white
Republicans told one story and the colored Republicans
anottier ; perhaps, Warren would not put colored people
into high office at least.

It was proven that Warren Harding owned brew-
ery stock; but the sentimentalists swallowed this fact.
The stock was only three shares anyway and had been
donated to him for his influence.

The Democrats figured that James M. Cox, owner
of two newspapers and of a line of oil stocks, would
be treated sympathetically at least by American news-
papers and by the plutocracy. Here they made a great
mistake. The Associated Press does not like the Cox
syndicate, end the Standard Oil Company does not
like the Pure Oil Company. Each desires a monopoly,
of course.

More than this, the plutocrats resented the things
that Cox had done for the workmen's compensation
acts that have made Ohio rightly famous in all the
land. Cox had been "too good to labor."

The Republicans discovered that Harding had a
printer's union card, while Cox had none ; this they
used with great effect. Never does the richer man de-
feat the poorer when the people find the comparative
facts out. The Republicans asserted that Cox was
worth twenty millions of dollars and was trying to buy
the Presidency. In 20 out of 23 Presidential cam-
paigns, the poorer man has won, since 1828.

tl3

Cox himself made three moves that look to many
now like serious mistakes.

First, he chased the wild goose in Washington,
Oregon and California. He imagined that he could
carry the Coast. This took him away from the East
where Warren was doing the front porch work. The
trip around the circuit, getting out to see the people,
looks well ; but few future candidates will try it. Cox
made votes out on the Coast; but he lost more votes
in the East by leaving the battle ground.

Second, he relied upon but one issue. No candidate
ever wins with one issue. It is true that the League
of Nations Covenant was worth all the time that he
gave to it; but the voters did not see this.

Third, he asked the Democratic platform men not
to mention the colored blood of the Hardings because
it appeared to involve his three children by his first
wife. He thought of his posterity rather than of his
country. The Republicans falsely charged that the
Democrats were secretly using this story; but the
truth was that the Democrats frowned upon it.

There were doubtless other Democratic errors. One'
may have been the failure of Cox to declare himself on
the wet question unequivocally; he said only that he
would "enforce the laws." If he had gone either way,
to say that he disliked prohibition, as Wilson did, or
that he firmly believed in it, he would have kept more
votes. It is true that Harding was equally equivocal ;
but Harding had the inside of the running.

It is also probable that the Democratic Manage-
ment at headquarters was incompetent. It had no
policy; it had no faith in victory; it would spend no
money beyond what was in sight; it used too few
speakers and too little ink and paper; it was loyal to
Cox; but it was the loyalty of a very conservative,
rich business man who would not risk too much.

214 ■

George White is still in charge of the Democratic
National Committee affairs; but he lacks steam and
will to win. He is temperamentally too cautious.

When Cox got back from the wild goose chase, full
of wrath that the newspapers had given to him so
little space, he made a few speaches that drove War-
ren off the front porch; Warren got a speech from
Wallace, the agriculture man, that he read out in Min-
nesota, and that pleased the farmers.

In the East every week after his return, Cox did
gain ground; but he was totally in error when a fort-
night before the election at Baltimore, he predicted
his own victory, and actually believed that himself.
A campaigner never can tell what the people are really
going to do.

At the Baltimore meeting, a woman judge there,
after hearing him, said to her neighbors this, "My,
that was a fine speech; if he were not so bad a man,
I would vote for him." Asked wherein he was bad,
she replied, "He has two wives."

Nine million women voted; perhaps three million
of them voted for Cox. Except the poor white trash,
so-called, all the white women of the South stayed at
home. This is why Cox lost Tennessee. Wherein lay
the Republican vote?

In the North, about seven million women voted,
probably at least one million of these being negro or
colored, all of whom voted Republican. Of the six
million others the Republicans probably had, on the
argument that Cox was a bigamist, morally at least,
four million votes.

The women voters netted to the Republicans about
six million votes, or three million of their total major-
ity of seven millions. The G. A. R. women, the W. C.
T. U. women and the women allied with K. C. voted
Republican generally.

"' 215

On the sex question, the women may be counted to
go for "public morality", so-called — that is, the man
who is a sex-offender must be outwardly decent. A
divorce is politically a heavy handicap. Harding had
not been divorced. In this fashion, the instincts of
women have gotten into politics. But the women vote
did not decide the election.

Where were the other Republican votes

Many women and some men were resentful of the
universal draft. The United States is no warlike na-
tion universally. Many people believe that when it
comes to fighting, one should have the option whether
or not to fight — even for his own protection and that
of his family. This is a very general opinion among
women. It is called "conscientious objection to war,"
but it is nothing else than self -protective fear, intel-
lectualized and made hypocritical.

The man who sets up a conscientious objection to
his own fighting is a coward ; we ought to have a con-
scientious objection to v/ar itself; but not to fighting
when their is war on between right and wrong and we
are needed by the right.

These conscientious objectors all thought that
Warren Harding was really a pacifist; they judged
this from his war-record, whether truly or falsely is
not in the present argument. He was the anti-war
man, and Cox was the War Governor of Ohio.

The fathers, mothers brothers and other kin and
friends of the soldiers or the released who objected to
the draft may have numbered half a million in all, of
whom perhaps two hundred thousand might have
voted otherwise for the Democratic candidate. To
them the Republicans sneered, "Woodrow Wilson won
the election in 1916 on the slogan, "He kept us out of
war." Well, did he?

The fact that the German power went on doing

216

things to us, and compelled us to go into war; the fact
that Theodore Roosevelt and other Republicans were
much more keen for the war than ever Wilson was;
the fact that most munitions manufacturers were Re-
publicans, all these facts were ignored; and these
people crucified the cause of peace out of a grudge
against the Government in power during the War.

Every genuine pro-German in America without
excepton, whether ordinarily Republican, Democrat or
Socialist, voted for Harding. The Republicans got to-
gether on this count every traitor to our country. They
ought to hang their heads in shame for this; but in-
stead they think that it was smart.

Only a few Germans who are "German" from long
descent voted pro-German, but most of the recent im-
migrants loved the "Old Country" more than the new.
This made net at least two million votes for Harding.

The anti-British voted for him. Wilson comes of
ancestry direct from England; therefore, he is "pro-
British", these Sinn Feiners assert. These are the
people who read the school histories seriously and im-
agine that our country is still hated by Great Britain.
These are the people who believe that J. P. Morgan is
a citizen of Great Britain, which the agents provoca-
teurs told them.

There are in the United States many persons ig-
norant enough to believe that J. P. Morgan and John
D. Rockefeller own it all ; and both of them are Demo-
crats when there is a Democratic President in Wash-
ington.

This anti-British vote was carefully nursed espe-
cially by Henry Cabot Lodge, who has written in most
of his book how terrible the British have been to us.
He is kept in the United States Senate by the Irish
Catholic vote of Massachusetts.

217

This vote of the anti-British netted Harding a mil-
lion or so.

The male negroes of the United States cast about
three million votes, nearly all of them in the Upper
South and in the North, very few elsewhere. Every
such vote went Republican, of course.

A majority of the farmers of the North are Re-
publicans on the argument that a protective tariff
makes the workmen rich so that they pay good prices
for the farmers' products. It is an interesting argu-
ment because it catches the gullible. Leaving out the
tradespeople of the rural districts and others not en-
gaged in farming, there are perhaps of the men on the
farms in all ten millions, of whom two-thirds went
Republican.

For the whole land outside of the South, the trades-
people and the jobbers mostly went Republican be-
cause they have always been told that "a Republican
admnistration means good prices, big profits and pros-
perity." Their number is about a quarter of a million.

The wonder is that Cox got any votes at all.

The Republicans took the Bible, and the dictionary,
and the encyclopedia and found converts for any and
every cause on both sides. They promised sea trade
to the seatraders and home manufactures to the manu-
facturers, big prices to the farmers and a reduced cost
of living to everyone ; they promised lower taxes, econ-
omy, a big navy, social progress, etc., etc., et infinitum,
et nauseam.

But nine million people voted for Cox on the old
argument that it is the business of the people to sup-
port the Government, not of the Government to sup-
port the people.

What did those who went to Marion see?

They saw a big office run mainly by negroes, with

218

a staff of secretaries writing the daily speeches of
Harding.

They saw him read speeches in type that he had
never looked at before.

They saw Mrs. Warren Harding running about
even in the street itself to interview people, not once
but systematically stopping even the merely curious
as they went by.

They saw the great men of the Republican party in
twos and sevens and with the delegations greatly ex-
aggerated in the reports, come to the prophet, "the
Marionette of Marion" as Oliver Herford put it, in
his home town.

But they did not see any enthusiasm; they saw a
system at work; all the enthusiasm was Republican
political bunk, written in t oorder by the paid prosti-
tutes of the Republican press.

We come now to what Wood did to help elect Hard-
ing, and what the others did.

Wood went to Marion, and saw the man who had
beaten him in an unfair fight. He saw a man markedly
inferior to himself, uneducated, affable, full of prom-
ises, adroit with the mysterious adroitness of a race
that has not built the British Empire or the American
Republic as has his own race — the men from the Brit-
ish Isles. Wood then released a few friendly speeches
in his behalf.

Johnson also was reached ; he was lined up even to
making speeches for Harding. At the present time,
it appears that Harding under compulsion of the Sen-
ate situation, is keeping his promises to him NOT to
stand for the League of Nations.

Taft was brought in with Elihu Root; and both
were told that Harding was for the League with reser-
vations. Taft as yet has not received any reward for
his betrayal of the great cause for which he organized

219

the League to Enforce Peace (upon the official staff
of the which now defunct League as a speaker Pro-
fessor Chancellor served and still nominally serves).

Only the credulous, however, believe that these
were the real means relied upon by the Republican
managers to win the election.

There was set in operation a system of spies, in-
formers and agents provocateurs the like of which
has been known but twice before in the history of
mankind, once in Rome, once in France, which system
is still in operation, and is part of the "overhead cost"
of operating the present plutocratic social order.

We have no qualms about telling the American
people the stories invented by those paid agents of
Satan. They had to do cuttle fish inking of the seas
in order to conceal their own candidate, to send up a
very dense smoke screen to hide their own CLOUD.
They had to enable Mrs. Phillips, the inamorata of
Harding, to make her getaway.

But we can save time and paper and ink by advis-
ing the readers to read instead the stories of crime
in the Old Testament and then to have these told about
Wilson and Cox, their wives and children.

Wilson and Cox, Sodom and Gomorrah were linked
up closely by these devils.

The Republicans relied upon money to get all this
work done.

They now wish all this history forgotten; but it
is not forgotten or forgettable. They intend to play
the same game in the Congressional elections of 1922.
Let Americans be ready to meet them intelligently
now.

We may take as an illustration of their methods
the work in the Congressional District of Ohio where
Professor Chancellor has his voting residence, the
Sixteenth. This District covers four Counties with an

220

area somewhat larger than the entire State of Rhode
Island. It includes the County where William McKin-
ley lived and the city of Canton in which Professor
Chancellor has made for all the people many public
addresses including the Memorial speech before the
McKinley Club and the public on the occasion of the
death of Theodore Roosevelt.

There was to be a new Congressman, for the former
Republican Congressman Roscoe C. McCullough had
decided not to try for Congress again but for the Re-
publican nomination for Governor which he failed to
get, losing to a far inferior man, Harry L. Davis, now
Governor. The nomination was won J. H. Himes, a
young enormously rich war slacker for the Republicans
and by Captain John McSweeny, hero and wounded
in the World War for the Democrats. Himes spent a
million dollars ; but he reported no expenses at all. He
had over one thousand paid workers in one county
alone for over three months, who did nothing but run
around to see individuals and get or keep them in line.

Captain McSweeny spent eighteen hundred dollars.
Himes made two or three speeches, McSweeny many.

Himes had his portrait upon every other telephone
and telegraph post and upon every billboard in the
County. He advertised constantly in every newspaper.
He had not voted in any election for nine years, but he
represented himself as a very public spirited man
because he had given money to the Red Cross.

His paid agents in every county told the people,
by the whisper route, that McSweeny, who is an
Episcopalian, is a Roman Catholic.

So high is the standing of this war-hero with the
two thousand graduates of Wooster College, Presby-
terian and Republican, that they elected him President
of the Alumni Association; but the paid agents of

221

Himes went about saying that he was boyish and im-
mature and without executive ability.

The result was that where McSweeny was well
known personally, he carried two counties; but he lost
the other two, and the election through lying by his
opponent who had all the money he could possibly let
loose at work against the better man. His wife
boasted that "It was worth a million dollars to be able
to spend two years in Washington as a Congressman."

Of course, if there had been a Democratic victory,
there would now be a Congressional investigation of
this election; but plutocracy makes it safe to buy
elections.

Reports from the mountain districts of Kentucky
indicate that wealth also there did some great work.
It may be that some investigator will have the money
and the time and the courage to go into every State in
doubt in 1920 and find out just how the Republicans
spent their money.

In Oklahoma, Jake L. Hamon, whose story we have
reported elsewhere, now dead under the law of Neme-
sis, imported from Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas and
Mississippi, some 30,000 negroes to vote for Harding
— at a cost estimated to have required more than a
million dollars. That there will be a come-back from
this in the next election in that State is certain; al-
ready it has had direful effects upon the general dis-
position of the farming people toward the Republicans.
There the Indians, such as could vote, mostly half-
breeds, so-called like Jake himself, — the oil men, the
merchants and the negroes voted for Warren Harding.
It was perhaps the most disgusting exhibition in all
the States except Ohio. The stench of it has been so
severe as to spread even to Europe. Famous writers
and journalists have found Oklahoma in the sun of a
frightful exposure of demoralization. What with sex-

9-'>9

vice, fake stocks, gambling, farm tenantry, negroes,
half-breeds mushroom oil men, and the endemic mal-
aris, Oklahoma has had a blow to its reputation that
will be remembered against the State for many a year.

We come at last to the last phase of the election.

D. R. Crissinger of Blooming Grove had been
brought up as a neighbor with Warren Harding, but
had remained a Democrat. His racial origin is un-
certain but his vouching for that of Warren Harding
raises doubts; but he found that membership in the
Democratic ranks was a perfect camouflage. Still,
when Warren got the Republican nomination, and had
$25,000 to spare, Crissinger saw the light of the Re-
publican noonday, and went over to Warren.

Knowing all the people, he organized the whisper-
ing gallery, tissue paper, vest pocket, blind telephone,
Sunday sermon, campaign for letting the negroes know
that Warren had negro blood. This went along very
well until the people of the countryside who were
white began to get angry. It so happened that one of
the negroes who was working this campaign had the
name of William Chancellor; he s sixty-five years old,
and black. To the black Republicans and to the White
Democrats alike it seemed a smart thing by the middle
of September to try to get the people to believe that
this William Chancellor, black, was the William Esta-
brook Chancellor, who was Professor in Wooster
College, editor of an educational magazine of wide
circulation in Ohio, and frequently speaking on the
platform. We have elsewhere described the rest of
this affair. But the time came for the Republicans to
repudiate this line of negro propaganda — not so long
before the election that the negroes who live by their
ears should hear of it, but just before the election
when only the whites who read should hear of it. They
had William Estabrook Chancellor ousted from his

223

college chair and from the New York Press Club and
falsely published in thousands of papers that he had
retracted that which he had never done. As he him-
self told the Trustees, he had "ceased beating his
grandmother." But the Republican Trustees needed
to find for the Republican party a scapegoat on whom
to load their own sins, and they unloaded them on him.

It might be supposed that Professor Chancellor
would have some remedy; that he might have denied
the negro blood in Harding; but why should he deny
what William Chancellor and many others were paid
by the Republicans to assert? Is truth naught? Not
until January 5, 1921, did the St. Louis POST DIS-
PATCH and NEW YORK WORLD special con^espond-
ent who was putting all his time on this work uncover
the existence of this conspiracy and of William Chan-
cellor of Mt. Gilead, who then proudly claimed that he
had "licked the whte men."

How many votes were actually changed by this
propaganda and by the alleged "retraction" of the
negro story may not even be estimated. Democrats
say in Kentucky that it stopped the Republican land-
slide, defeated all the inside work done by National
Committeeman Hart, and made useless the campaign
of young Theodore Roosevelt in the mountains where
the name of his father was popular. Republicans
claim that it added millions to their vote in the North
because it was "a dirty Democratic lie."

Possibly, the Professor himself may have some
testimony on this point worth looking into — he re-
ceived some 240 telegrams within two weeks prior to
the election, and ten thousand letters before he had
to depart ; during the last fortnight when the Republi-
cans were most active among the whites, he spent on
the average of five hours a day in long distance tele-
phoning with strangers among whom was one man

224

who lost his job for lying about what the Professor
actually did say to him. Professor Chancellor has had
only one story to tell ; he believed the truth of the Re-
publican missionary work among the negroes, he made
his own investigation, he made no statement whatever
on the subject until he was attacked by the Repub-
licans themselves and urged by them to lie in order to
save his own job. This is more fully stated elsewhere.

But in the final outcome, the Republicans are left
with a vast expense and with a very rotten record on
this point.

"Twas a victory, sir, but it cost them dear!"

It is possible to win a battle and to lose a campaign.
The Republicans lost the campaign when they won
the November battle. They are now exposed to all the
world as the makers of the first negro President and
lying about it as well as breaking their promises to
the negroes.

In all probability, James M. Cox will long outlive
Warren G. Harding, who has arterio-sclerosis and a
blood pressure of above 200. The man who survives
his enemy has an enormous advantage over him for
the purpose of terresterial reputation. Cox will write
the epitaphs for Harding.

It may even be that the semi-invalid Woodrow
Wilson, ex-President, will outlast Warren Harding.

At any rate. Cox and Wilson and Professor Chan-
cellor have many descendents each, and they will keep
the memories of the year 1920 green; what persons
will care anything at all for the reputation of Warren
Harding after he leaves the Presidency?

The election of 1920 was made to order; it became
a vast hysteria; it was thoroughly disgusting; it has
left after-effects that will last a long time. And it
placed in the Presidency a man —

225

1. Without a program, ashamed of his ancestry, and

afraid of exposure.

2. Ignorant of history and international affairs.

3. Who already has brought down upon America the

contempt even of the Japanese.

4. Who has already persuaded America to blacken her

own reputation by paying $25,000,000 to Columbia
in South America.

CHAPTER XV
MRS. FLORENCE KLING (DE WOLFE) HARDING

Professor Chancellor wrote this letter to a
Southern lady at her request; wife of a Justice of the
State Supreme Court and mother of a Congressman.
Dear Madam: —

You say that you have seen Mrs. Harding but can-
not understand her. You descrbe her as wearing a
heavy coat of enamel upon her face and as being over-
dress for her age. It will not be possible for me to
tell any lady what is the inside explanation. But I
can clear up some matters, and keep within bounds of
polite correspondence.

I ask you to think of Madam Sarah Bemhart, who
has three gifts, viz., personal beauty, dramatic genius,
and executive ability, including no small talent for
business. As you know, great changes have taken
place in the character of Madam Bernhart in the
course of her life. Early instincts have been sup-
pressed, and the best in her has come out splendidly.
By race, she is a French Jewess. How much of her
blood is really Hebrew and how much Gallic, no one
knows.

The Klings were Rhinelanders ; some believe that
they were originally Jews.

Florence developed at an early age an inability to
go to school; she became a horsewoman, a race-track
and skating rink frequenter. In another social en-

226

vironment, she might have gone upon the stage. She
always had a gift for getting on with men. Where
others wasted what they got in this fashion, she saved
her money. Her father was a banker, but she early
left home. Her only child was bom when she was
about twenty. She asserted that Harry de Wolfe was
its father, and he agreed to call the boy his son. But
she tired of Harry; and they were separated by the
Court, though no marriage was proven.

She saw in Warren Harding what no one else saw
— great possibilities. Obviously, she was right, and
every one else was wrong. He is now President-elect
of this land. Like her father, she could read character ;
but in this instance she surpassed him.

Once that they were married, Warren became her
hobby; she poured out her life for him and for the
newspaper on which she worked like a slave. Her
neglected son died.

Whatever her race, she has had one power, that of
persistence; she has stood for every fault of her hus-
band, who in turn has surrendered to her calling her
The Duchess — surrendered everything except certain
habits, such as midnght revels, cards, women and
drink. She has run his business, paid his bills, ad-
vertised him, praised him as the greatest man living,
run his political correspondence, written his speeches
even.

Being six years older than he and far abler, she
has had him in tutelage. Often she has been ill, often
discouraged, but never baffled.

You say you do not understand how she could have
taken a man of color? Though she is of European
ancestry, she is as dark as her husband. The color
has meant nothing to her. She knows nothing of the
Southern views of the negro, and will never be able
to understand your views. She has never seen in the

227

mass the genuine blacks. At the same time, she has
admitted that fear of her father made them avoid
parentage.

You have probably seen the interview in which she
described herself, not naively as her husband has so
often described himself with his "printer's rule and
union card," but shrewdly. She says that she is
naturally a business woman, without any interest in
philanthropy, loves beautiful things, likes action, de-
lights in getting things done, does not prefer much
domesticity; and is something like a man. She is a
woman of the world, and more than a match for her
husband who is a man of the world.

I venture to remind you that Martha Washington
"made" George, that Mary Todd "made" Abraham
Lincoln, and that often what we ascribe to the man
is to be credited to the wife.

Warren Harding is a good elocutionist, has a big
figure, is solemn and reticent, and was born to order
for her management.

You speak of the moral character of her husband;
it as as good as her own; and his sex-character is as
good as that of Benjamin Franklin and many another
man of fame and power in business and politics. As
to "the social taboo", it is wholly for the women to
decide that. The Northern women will probably
swallow the situation.

We must number Florence Kling among the
prophets. She has won.

Very respectfully,

PRESIDENTS AND GOVERNMENTS

To a former Student:

I appreciate very heartily what you have written
to me; many of my students have written to me in

228

the same spirit. What you say is a very great com-
fort to me in these circumstances . But I find some
remarks of yours that, f you will permit me to do so,
I should like to comment upon briefly.

Government is simply a device to enable people to
live together peacefully in law and order; it exists by
force. The State is its chief form for men, but Church
and School and Industry all govern to an extent each.
It puts man into power, some good, some bad; but
thereafter they govern.

When the Reverend Doctor John Timothy Stone
led his "lynching bee," as you call it, he was exercising
in School and Church — for the College of Wooster is
a church school — his undoubted legal right to govern
the institution. The only questions are two. Did he
act according to law and order, or not? And in the
long run will the denial of the right of academic free-
dom serve the interests of the nation and of the church
schools in particular? He denied my right not to sign
a lie that he desired signed for the advancement of
the Republican party. He invaded my citizenship. He
denied all the rules and regulations governing the col-
lege and governing ordinary relations between man and
man. He denied to me the ordinary rights of the
Anglo-Saxon law, being himself a red Kelt. He con-
ducted himself like an angry chief of a clan offended
by the unwillingness of a clansman to accept his feudal
overlordship. He said that I was "his man." I replied
that I was "an American citizen."

It is far from true, as some assert, that "the powers
that be are ordained of God" in the sense in which
lords use the statement, which is falsely translated
for their benefit. A text without its context is a
pretext. In this passage, Paul is considering the prin-
ciples of right, the master ideas, as opposed to the
wicked notions of rulers, and what he actually said

229

was this : "The ideas that endure are ordained of God"

as they undoubtedly are. That text, falsely translated,
would have kept slavelords in power forever. The
powers that exist in a democracy are ordained of men,
and they change frequently.

The Reverend agent of the Republican party in the
Wooster College Board of Trustees has been there but
two years. Trustees come and go in a democracy.
Like the ambitious man in the Scripture, the word
translated "rich" means "bounder", the Reverend
politician came "running." It is of such enterprising
men, full of pep and business beyond their capacites
to understand, that Jesus said, "It is easier for a rope
to go through the eye of a needle than for a bounder
to enter the Kingdom of Heaven."

It is a deliberate attempt to indoctrinate youth with
wicked and silly reverence for men in power that
causes the schools to teach youth that all Presidents,
Governors, Senators are fine men. The American
people have decided otherwise. They refused to re-
elect as President more than half of them all; and
even so they have re-elected some that should not
have been tried even once. The apotheosis of men in
power must be offensive to the Almighty. Rich per-
sons, pastors of big churches, famous men, generals,
it cannot be doubted, are in many instances very bad
and deserve reprobation, not worship. As for the
recent idea in America of lese majeste in respect to the
President, it has one purpose — to enable scoundrels to
terrify their adversaries.

When you wish to know the truth, to get the facts,
in order to conduct your life wisely and rightly, go to
the place where the facts are ; never trust those inter-
ested, the great men or their agents or clerks, for the
truth is not in them.

For myself, I delight in remembering Ben Frank'

230

lin; there was a price on his head for many years,
offered by the great. Yet he was the smartest man
this continent ever saw, and one of the most useful to
America ; if the King that was on the throne whereon
he should never have sat one moment had won, Ben
Franklin would be remembered in history as a very
wicked rebel.

You comment upon the fact that at the worst any-
way America is superior to Russia. I doubt very much
whether Harding is superior intellectually to Lenine.
It may be that in future histories Lenine, who is a
fine scholar and a Russian patriot, who is organzing
a new type of human society, will be called the George
Washington of the New Age. It is true that Lenine
has set wars on foot; but if we have wars with Japan
and with Mexico and with Great Britain, wars that
are ripening now, whose fault will it be?

God forbid such wars ; which is why I am FOR the
League of Nations. But the man who has been the
figurehead in the political campaign against the
League of Nations, will be held responsible for future
wars if they come during his lifetime. Harding played
the game for those who are willing that America
should go to war again.

Yours faithfully,
To a Genealogist:

I was much indebted to you for your suggestion in
November that I send a man to the Wyoming Valley
and also to Orange County, N. Y., to look up the asser-
tions of the Harding "genealogists", so-called. He has
spent two weeks in the Pennsylvania field and one
week in the New York field, and he has found no
evidences that any Ohio Hardings were ever in either
Wyoming Valley or Orange County. In view of the
many murders in the Wyoming Valley the notion ap-
pears to be to charge every hiatus in a record to the

231

Indian massacres. In this way, the Wyoming Valley
has come to be populated with hundreds of thousands
of ghosts who never saw it in the flesh. This man
also went over to New London, Connecticut, trying to
find traces of Huldah Tryon there ; but failed. That
also appears to be a myth.

I am convinced that there was a Huldah in the
Harding ancestry; she appears to have left her mark
upon the descendents; but in appearance, it is the
mark of Indian and not of white blood. Over in
Georgia, there s a town called Tyrone, and it is inter-
esting to note that when the first of Huldah's descend-
ants got her name, they spelled it Tyrone. This town
was settled in part by people from County Tyrone in
Ireland. It was the center for the Shawnee Indians,
who were moved in a lot to middle Ohio. Just why
Warren Harding should prefer as ancestress a woman
who had the horrible blood of the Tyrone monsters
of the Carolinas rather than the respectable blood of
an Indian woman, one wonders. That Colonel Edward
Tyrone to whom he is trying to link himself through
Huldah was the frightful beast who sent Traitor Bene-
dict Arnold on his raid into Virginia that cost Thomas
Jefferson the lives of his wife and one of his daughters
and also his country mansion, which the traitor burned.

The Harding "genealogists" are very inexpert.
They do not seem to understand that it is not worth
while to establish an ancestry unless that ancestry is
honorable. So far they have failed to connect them-
selves with any worthwhile family among the old
English, the French Huguenots or the Germans who
emigrated in 1850 — all splendid people. They have
found some Dutch and Scotch forebears of good repute.
It is as clear as day that they have but one notion —
that is, to establish all White Blood, of any kind and
any country.

232

It really gets them nowhere to prove, which they
have not yet done, that they have New England blood ;
there have been plenty of white rascals in New Eng-
land, negroes and Indians also. What the genealogists
have done includes some very ridiculuous things ; they
show that in three successive generations the Harding
men married at the ages of eighteen, twenty and nine-
teen years, and had children one year later. Did they
marry? Were there any such men?

They publish no genealogy for the Dickersons;
yet Elizabeth was their mother. They appear to be
respectable and intelligent white people. They publish
one back generation for Mary Ann Crawford, the
grandmother of Warren, who married his grandfather,
Charles A. Harding, who undoubtedly had negro blood.
It seems that her mother was a Crawford. These Craw-
fords claim Indian blood. The famous William H.
Crawford, commonly known as "Jack Crawford," who
was burned at the stake, dying an heroic death, left
no children ; every pioneer thought that he had Indian
blood. The back generation gives them the Dutch
blood of the Van Kirks; this is a good name; but it
has no ancestry, and may have been taken by persons
not of Dutch descent.

We are unable to escape the portraits of the ancient
worthies whom Warren claims as his forebears; nor
the memories and pictures of his people in the flesh
still living in Harding land. The picture of George
Tryon Harding I. represents a terrible person, like a
pirate indeed, whch they say that his father really was.
This George Tryon (or Tyrone) )was born in 1790 and
died in 18G0, and spent the first thirty years of his life
in Virginia, so they say. But Professor Chancellor's
own people live in that very part of Virginia by the
thousands, and they have no records of any such fam-
ily. Tidewater, Virginia, had thousands of slave? who

233

had run away from their masters, who were the con-
stant prey of pirates, smugglers and slave traders,
and it so happens that there is a tradition of Hardings
who were French West Indian slavers; this happens
to be exactly what the Blooming Grove people on the
Avhite side of the feud say was the origin of the Amos
Hardng tribe that migrated there in 1820. These
neighbors insist that Amos spoke French.

Of course, much of this popular interest in the
Hardings springs from total ignorance of the princi-
ples of heredity. The popular notion is that a man
springing from a white woman and a negro man would
be half -white and half-black. Then if this man took a
white wife, their children would be quadroons, three-
fourths white, one-fourth negro. This is the stage of
George Tryon Harding H., perhaps.

So they go on in their classification — mulatto,
quadroon, octomoron, hexdecaroon, steentharoon, un-
til they think that a descendant may be all-white vir-
tually because the fraction of negro blood becomes too
small to count.

But heredity works in no such way, and all laws
based upon the octoroon as being seven-eighths white
and only one-eighth negro are absurd.

Traits generally descend almost in toto. They either
are or are not in the succession; and they may dis-
appear in a child to reappear in a grandchild or great-
grandchild.

I remember well a very brilliant negro mathe-
matician in Washington, coal black, whose father was
a white man, a brilliant attorney at the bar, unmarried.
The mother was not a coal black negress but a hybrid,
passing as a quadroon. This man had inherited in
toto the black skin from some remote forebear of his
mother.

How then explain the saffron lilies — the persons

234 ■ . -

with negro blood who are light lemon yellow? Was
not the pigmentation diluted? It does not pass as
white or as coal black. The answer is simple. Most
pure American negroes are not coal black themselves ;
only the Senegambians are coal black, and the North
African pure Moors who are not negroes at all.

A colored man may inherit a black or dark brown
skin, a straight, white right angle face and head,
planitoid feet and a love of work, a big chest and a big
abdomen; that is three Gold Coast negro traits and
three Saxon traits. He v/ill be a husky, ambitious, able
man ; but this does not qualify him to be the father of
children by a white woman. Yet this man will cer-
tainly aspire to a blood white wife, being just as unfit
to marry a brunet Caucasian, of course.

Or take the case by traits, and say that the father
may transmit "A-b-C-d-e-F" traits: A, strong; b,
weak; C, strong, etc., while the mother is a carrier of
"a-b-C-D-e-f" traits.
One child may inherit like this:
a-b-C-d-e-f.

But another may inherit
A-b-C-d-e-F.

But it is altogether unlikely that any child will inherit
traits

A-B-c-d-E-f,

for the sufficient reason that strong leads of B and E
are not in their germ plasms within recent generations.

Apply this to Warren Harding. He has a strong
musical interest, playing several instruments. So had
his mother, while his father comes in part of a musical
race, the negro. But search these ancestries, both
mother's and father's, in Warren, and there is no case
where the forebears were strong executive managers
of men. Warren is subservient to an extreme degree,
subservient to his wife and to all strong natures with

235

whom he comes into contact. Now the Indian is not
subservient. But looking into the line of his brothers
and sisters, we find one of the children at least — the
brother, who is strongly marked by personal inde-
pendence and a distinct desire to be left alone to live
his own life, to be out of all this wrangle over the an-
cestry, and it is easy to see that he has a very dif-
ferent force of hereditary and instincts from those of
hs brother, Warren.

The policewoman sister helps to interpret Warren ;
most of the time she has not lived with her husband,
though not actively hostile to him during the nearly
twenty years since they were married. Is this the trait
of an all-white woman? If there is any person with
more conflicting traits than this sister, she would be
hard to find. She likes to corral criminals and the
accused. At the same time, the police records show
that she has been very sympathetic with wronged girls
in the city of America, where more illegitimate chil-
dren per thousand of the population than any other
in the land — a record as true of the whites there as of
the colored women. She takes marriage lightly for
herself — though strictly virtuous — and lightly also for
these unfortunate girls. (How this sympathy works in
her is shown in her recent advice to Justice P. Stafford
in a matter of the Cole divorce case, which forced
Warren to disavow the act and send her to a Battle
Creek sanitarium. Mrs. Cole is a Cuban Mestizo, with
whom Mrs. Votau boarded while acting as police-
woman) .

Remembering the parental disregard for marital
forms and ceremonies may not this indifference to
marital relations be classed with inherited traits and
traced to George Tyrone Harding II., and Elizabeth
Dickerson ?

I must close with this final statement ; my belief is

236

that Warren Harding and his wife have been allowed
to get into the limelight in order to emphasize the im-
portance to the American people of knowledge of
anthropology and heredity for our own future and as
clinical material for the study of our mose serious
social questions of marriage and sex generally.

The social taboo upon these matters is off so long
as they live in the White House.

Scientists are seeking some keys to his intellectual
positions and why he prefers brunets so close to him.
His wife is brunet. George B. Christian (Cristiano,
Portuguese, translated) , his private secretary, who can
"kill" correspondence and deny opportunity for an in-
terview, is a brunet. D. R. Crissinger, of Blooming
Grove, a very intimate friend, is brunet. Why does
he avoid blond Anglo-Saxons and blond Saxon Ger-
mans ? And, why * * ♦ ? But scientists have too many
questions of this kind to set down here and now.
To a Legal Friend:

Your letter was duly received among thousands on
thousands. In this vast outpouring, only a dozen or so
of all the writers have censured me for what I have
done and failed to do; and your censure takes such a
peculiar form that I am answering it in detail fully and
out of its due order in time. You say that I managed
my case badly and should have conducted my course
very differently. In this censure for "failure so to
spring the attack on Harding" and yet save my "college
chair" for my "later work," which you set up, you
make several assumptions.

1. You assume that, being fully informed as to the
existence of the negro organization, including one Wil-
liam Chancellor, black, aged 65 years, I should have
countered at once say, as early as July. This assump-
tion fails because it is false as to TIME. Until Janu-
ary, 1921, I was unaware of the existence of WillJam

237

Chancellor, I did not know who wrote the papers about
Harding's negro ancestry.

2. You assume that as early as (say) August, I had
proofs that Warren Harding is colored. This assump-
tion also is false as to TIME. Until December, 1920,
I had not heard of the Wilbur-Smith murder case ; nor
until late that month did I learn that Georgia Harding
Hamon, wife of murdered Jake L. Hamon, was War-
ren's own cousin, and a negress and where Harding
got his campaign money.

3. You assume that the Wooster College Board of
Trustees in ousting me from my chair as full professor
for life did so on grounds after proof that I had circu-
lated malicious libels of Warren Harding and followed
the college rules in so doing.

I circulated nothing prior to that meeting when I
was removed without a hearing. Here your assump-
tion that the Wooster College Trustees acted legally
and regularly is false; they acted as Republican poli-
ticians, as a branch of the Republican National Com-
mittee, in order to cover from the public their own
use of William Chancellor in getting the negro vote.
This assumption of yours is false because they did not
act as college trustees, but as Republicans aiming to
win.

4. You assume finally that I, a college professor,
was engaged in a poltical game; that I had something
to "spring;" that I staked my college chair to win or
lose.

This is so totally false an assumption that it is dif-
ficult to deal with. Why should I have lied as to my
belief regarding Warren Harding — to the Wooster
College Trustees? Why should I have tried to save
myself by lying? A college chair has pleasant fea-
tures. The Wooster College faculty declined unani-
mously to ratify my ouster. The Dean who was used

238

as a tool by the Trustees has resigned, being utterly
unable to reconcile himself to their perversion of a
document that they purloned from me through him
into a "retraction" of what I never did. He cannot yet
reconcile the three virtues, viz. :

1. Truth; which he told.

2. Loyalty to Wooster College ; which he showed.

3. Honor as a patriot; which he betrayed.

He is man enough to live without being Dean; no
other confession would have been enough ; he gave up
the second highest college office.

A college professorship that requires a man to sign
anything that a Board of Trustees demands reduces
the professor to a slave. The Roman Senators and
plutocrats bought and sold Greek teachers as slaves.
Shall the American Senators and plutocrats make
slaves of our college teachers?

You are a lawyer; I have known you many years.
My impression is that:

1. You should review Greenleaf on Evidence;

2. Read fewer Republican and plutocratic news-
papers.

You cannot understand my case and my course un-
til you rid your mind of what the newspapers said.
Are you aware that The New York Times sent out to
Marion to investigate the negro situation a reporter
who had been in this country only two years, educated
and trained in Norway? This man told me that he
could not tell a colored man from a Chinaman. I asked
him what investigation he made; and he said that he
had asked Harding's secretary! Yet The New York
Times printed a statement that Professor Chancellor
had circulated sheets against Harding for months ; and
did not know William Chancellor from William Esta-
brook Chancellor. Notwithstanding which facts, it
printed on its front page the statement that it had

239

made a thorough and complete investigation and that
Professor Chancellor denied, in October, what he did
in the preceding months; that is, my dear sir, what
blxick William Chancellor did for pay for the Republi-
can party to get negro votes.

Possibly the fact that the McCormicks, of Chi-
cago and Washington, once gave $5,000 to Wooster
College and might give more made it seem judicious to
get rid of Professor Chancellor. Rev. Dr. Stone had to
think of the money involved. Wooster College is
heavily in debt! But is Gold — God?

Yours sincerely,

THE PARENTS OF HARDING

To a Fellow Psychologist:

You may remember my article on the Hypermoron,
in which I diagnosed the hypermoron as being the vic-
tim of morinoia, habit-mindedness. This article was
originallj'' printed in the New England Journal of Edu-
cation, Boston, but was extensively reprinted, one issue
being in the LITERARY DIGEST. For a while all the
world talk of it.

You have asked me to describe Warren Harding
intellectually to you from my personal study of him.

Let us begin with his parents, and especially, his
mother, for Warren is more like his mother than like
his father which is fortunate for America.

Elizabeth Dickerson was born with the same notion
that TEMPLE THURSTON advocates in the now
famous novel, THE GREENBOUGH, and that has been
advocated by such novelists as Herrick in Together,
and the woman who wrote Three Weeks, Elinor Glyn,
a notion that would fill the world once more with bas-
tards. Her notion was that she had the right to
motherhood, no matter what. On this basis she united

240

herself to the soldier, George Tryon Harding, who was
a year younger than herself. When pregnant she woke
up, at her mother's and father's loud lamentations, to
the full-grown men's and women's notion that mar-
riage is a condition sine qua non to maternity. But
George Tryon did not see it; therefore, she invented
the lie that they had really been married, but she did
not know when or where. On that bass, she bore to
him TEN children, three boys and seven girls, a most
kaleidoscopic lot, three of them black and most of them
are good specimens of the human race.

Now the hypermoron is an adult who thinks in
the terms of fourteen years normal mentality, which is
the trouble with these novelists and the free love ad-
vocates generally. The traits of the hypermoron are
these, viz.:

1. No self-alienation; they cannot see themselves
as others see them.

2. They cannot understand full-grown minds.

3. They follow habits and routine.

4. They obey others.

5. They live in the nearby facts and have no princi-
ples of action.

7. They love companionship and cannot live happily
alone.

8. They follow their instincts implicitly.

9. They live in their senses, often are musical and
artistic.

10. They cannot conceive of human society, the
nation.

11. They are full of memories.

12. They have no long foresight, and never imagine
themselves forward into the future.

13. They are full of fears.

14. They may have wit but they never have a sense
of humor.

241

15. They are self-sacrificing to others near them.

16. They love home and kin.

17. They are amiable until crossed ; then they show
violent temper.

18. They are talkative.

19. They are naive.

The hypermoron is the near-adult, the first-class
fool, the almost full-grown man. It is harder to dis-
criminate the hypermoron from the adult than any
other variety of fool.

Such was Elizabeth Dickerson.

Such was not her husband, so-called.

He has managed to live on others skilfully. His
daughter, Abigail, has supported the little Marion
home in the cottage on Church Street, and Mrs. Hard-
ing has allowed him to have rent-free an office in the
STAR BUILDING.

He is no hypermoron but a full-grown adult,
shrewd, cautious, cruel, lazy, vain, an imposter in re-
cent years, a divorced man now, bold or cunning as
the case has required. Though very ignorant, ignor-
ant even of medicine and surgery which he professes,
he is far from a fool. On the contrary, he has
negotiated a crooked course with marvelous skill. The
hypermoron never really lies ; he does not know how, or
see why it may be useful temporarly, to lie ; but no one
takes the word of this man, George Tryon Harding.

The mother had frail health but great power to
work; the father has had fine health, but no disposi-
tion to work.

If you will consider the lies that Harding told dur-
ing the campaign, you will see where to draw the line
and find in Warren the traits of both parents. Most of
us have lived down and risen out of the period of hyper-
morinoia. We can remember when we fought the in-
stincts in ourselves and defeated them.

'AO

Warren, who believes in the high protective tariff
and in the Monroe Doctrine and in subservience to the
great, who lets others decide for him, is, just now, at
fifty-five years of age, trying to evolve into adult man-
hood.

Very truly yours,
TRUTH

A Letter to a Christian Friend:

You are the pastor of a church supposed to be dedi-
cated to Jesus Christ, and I have your letter accord-
ingly. What is it that Americans do to men who tell
the truth ? Do they boil them in oil ? If so, when the
souls arrive at the Gates of Pearl, distilled from the
boiling oil of their mortal bodies, what do the Angels
of the Gates say to them? Is it a bar to the Gates
that one tells the truth ?

But suppose that these souls only believed that they
were telling the truth — that they tried to find the
truth in every way they could, but were baffled by
other men in this earth. Still they told only the truth
as to their belief or refused to lie about their beliefs.
What do the Angels of the Gates say to such souls ?

In point of reason, can the Angels of God damn to
the fires of eternal punishment any persons who for
truth give up home, children, kindred, property, coun-
try and all familiar things? If Angels can do this,
are such the Angels of God who creates men to love
truth ?

Is there any virtue higher than Truth by the test
of which the Gates of Pearl alone open? If so, name
it. You object to my telling the truth about my be-
liefs. What is it you wish me to do? To lie? I prefer
to take my course. If I have made a mistake about
what the Angels of the Gates will do, it is a mistake

243

SO vast and terrible that every really good man has
made it. If all such go to Hell, I shall have excellent
companionship there.

You say that my telling the truth has damaged the
cause of Christian education. If so, I am content that
"Christian" education should be damaged and utterly
annihilated. If a college dedicated to Jesus Christ can-
not stand the truth, then it ought to perish — Even
Christianity itself must perish unless it is the truth.

I notice that Jesus said of Hmself — "I am the
Truth." I notice that Pilate asked— "What is Truth ?"
I may be wrong ; but my own guess is that the Walls of
the City of Gold are laid upon one clear, solid, uni-
versal, uniform rock and that this rock is Truth. If
I am wrong, and Truth is not the rock on which the
New Jerusalem rests, then I must go below, deep
enough to find the rock ; it may be Hell is on the rock
of Truth. But I repeat; my guess is that the Gates
open to those who love Truth.

If this is error, and I must submit to be called,
"Raca, thou fool," by you, I venture to ask you to read
the rest of the passage. If only fools love Truth, and
live and die for it, then I am content that God made me
a fool. .

Death and Hell with Truth are better than any
Heaven to be won otherwise than by Truth.

Yours, sincerely,

WHAT IS A WRITER?

To a Fellow Member of the New York Press Club :

I received your letter and thank you for being plain
with me. You regret that I was expelled without a
hearing and without notice from the Club of which
both of us have been so long members ; but you see no
way to straghten the matter out.

244

I see by the papers that Warren Harding has de-
clined to go to New York and address the Club because
of your internal troubles.

Your Club, that once was mine also, will have more
troubles before I get through with this thing.

You ask me to try to forget that I ever was a mem-
ber and say that "the Club is in bad ordor just now
anyway." Perhaps so. But the public regards me as
properly blacklisted, and I propose to pursue my policy
of letting the public know the truth, which will take a
long time for a man who is forbidden to use the mails
even for private letters. You will, however, get this
letter, for there are ways to come through.

You tell me that my income from writing was not
very important and that probably I can get ai' ther
teaching position anyway.

Evidently, though you do know me quite well per-
sonally, you know nothing about my financial affairs,
except that I have written many articles that have
been published in newspapers and magazines.

First and last, I am a writer. In the middle, I have
done other things.

The Republican Trustees of the College of Wooster
have undertaken to destroy a writer — that is some
undertaking, even for multi-millionaires who own the
present Government.

Writers live by what overthrows other men; their
troubles are their assets. They sell their books and
articles because others are interested in their lives and
opinion. The more trouble they have, the better their
writings sell.

Only God Himself can overthrow a writer; He can
overthrow even plutocrats through writers. By writ-
ing, Woodrow Wilson broke Wilhelm HohenzoUern.

To keep me alive God needs to do just three things,
that is all:

245

First, keep my brains at work.

Second, keep me human.

Third, see that I have food and shelter and a very
few necessaries of life.

After doing this, God can trust me to do the rest.
But He must keep my mind going, keep people inter-
ested in humanity and see that I have the means of
mere life.

Then I will write and write.

The mllions hate and distrust the millionaires; the
whites fear the contamination of the blacks. All men
desire peace and comfort, and most men desire justice.
Therefore, they listen to what the writers say. I fore-
see an effort to colorize America. I foresee that the
next demand by the many millions of Afro-Americans
will be this, viz.:

A Force Act for the South in order that the negroes
may gain control once more of the State Governments
of the South. This will mean at least seven million
more black votes of the men and women, and the sup-
pression of the white Democrats of the South. The
negroes do not care about plutocracy; they are will-
ing to obey the business overlords provided that they
can have whte women for wives. That is what race
quality means, the defeat of the white South and the
drowning out of the white blood, which may God for-
bid!

Once let the negroes vote generally, and there will
be an avowed negro for the Presidency, who will pledge
placi g many negroes in high office — on the Supreme
Cour' bench tself, in the Cabinet, in the Senate, not
men ly one or two, but many. Through these negroes,
the plutocrats then can work their will upon the rest
of us.

That is the game, and that is the game the New

246

York Press Club played when it threw me out without
notice.

Which raises the question what American journal-
ists really now are.

I have a pretty fair knowledge of Amercan journal-
ism, magazines and books. Some men have a more
intensive knowledge, of course, of particular enter-
prises than I have, but my general knowledge is fairly
complete. I have been in every large city in America
and in most of those of Canada, and in many Euro-
pean cities also.

Some time ago a New York paper of wide circula-
tion, asked me to write for them an account of my
actual personal relations with journalism and replied
that it was ten times greater than they had supposed.
They wished me to work for them at a salary that was
ridiculous. In order not to destroy my market for the
future, I refrain from particularizing now; but it may
amuse you to know that the writers in the New York
Press Club who moved to fire me out came from a
paper that offered me only a few years ago $150 a week
to go to Europe for them — and all expenses, of course.

I cared a thousand times more about being of a New-
York journalistic standing than about being a pro-
fessor in a Republican Presbyterian College.

I have published thirty-eight books and have edited
for publishers more than a hundred other books.

One of my students once undertook to make a list
of all my signed published articles and gave up after
tracing three thousand.

Because I was a writer, the College of Wooster em-
ployed me, and for no other reason ; and because I was
a writer, they fired me, and for no other reason. I
wrote an article that was published in the Times-
Annalist, in which I advocated gold once more for com-
mon circulation; and that was resented by the plu-

247

tocracy. A man who believes in honest money and in

nothing else is a Bolshevist-anarchist-revolutionist-
lunatic NOW because the bankers of New York desire
all the gold for themselves, and the rest of us are ani-
mals feeding at THEIR tables.

Shades of Andrew Jackson! Shades of Albert
Gallatin ! Great shades of Honest John Sherman !
Pretty soon it will be a crime to wish to OWN a home,
because then one who is honest will be able to laugh at
the LORDS of Land, Still, then the plutocrats will
find a way to steal a man's home just as they stole my
professorship and my membership in the New York
Press Club.

But who are the journalists?

A few are themselves millionaires — like Charles H.
Grasty.

A few write so well that they write rather freely
like Sir Philip Gibbs.

A few are so scholarly that they are respected
enough to have the entree to almost any paper or
magazine of their own party — like Talcott Williams,
who knows everything,

A few write on papers that are, though rich, free
and honest, like the New York World,

A few papers try to be free, like the NEW YORK
TIMES,

A few are free, though not rich, like the CLEVE-
LAND PLAIN DEALER,

But most journalists

1. Earn so little that they live from hand to mouth
and do not dare to think ; they write to order. Only a
very brave man writes what he thinks unless he has
TEN THOUSAND dollars in cash in a good bank,
where the plutocrats do not know that he has the
money.

Such a man often cannot sell what he thinks.

248

2. Are so young and ignorant that they have no
machinery with which to think.

3. Or have come so recently into America that they
do not know us ; there are too many foreigners on our
papers and magazines. They work cheap and destroy
the wage and piece-rate scales for native Americans.

Let me tell you a few instances of fact:

1. The business manager of a great paper received
his discharge by telegraph, went to see the owner at
his home, who refused to see him. To his death later,
this journalist never knew why he had been discharged
after years of success.

How can a profession be free when such things
happen ?

2. A freelance writer, blacklisted by several great
papers, sent a dispatch through regarding which the
city editor wired, "That is a peach of a story!"

He waited and waited and waited two months for
payment, and then got a check for $300. But the^
never used his story. It cost him $150 just to wait.

3. A man sent to a very great newspaper a fine
article ; it was accepted ; it did not appear. The writer
read the paper diligently, and at last a paragraph
came out. Then another. In the end, it was all
printed; but it had lost all its force. And the busi-
ness office never paid him.

4. A man wrote an article that soon appeared. He
was sent to a distant city ; and he was never paid.

5. A man was ordered to go for a determined sum
to a foreign land to write up some newsy stuff. He
sent back one article that appeared ; then he sent five
others in succession that never appeared. He asked
for an explanation and pay, which he never got. The
paper had changed his busness manager, and that
ended his claim unless he sued, which would have
caused him to be blacklisted. Later he found that an-

249

other writer on the paper had objected to his articles
because his own opposed his views. This writer at
home, who did not know the facts, killed the stuff from
the field, and BROKE the outside man, who did know.

I might give many other cases.

You say that such things are the ordinary condi-
tions of human life; they are. Newspapers should be
superior to ordinary methods and conduct. The world
needs truth ; it needs truth far more than it needs shoes
and oatmeal and coal.

In the present situation with slaves for writers,
with frightened men with eyes bulging lest the front
office or the downstairs office or the capitalist behind
the works GETS him, the newspapers are not telling
the truth to us Americans.

"First of all the truth" is a blind to fool us. They
put this on the corner of their front pages; but the
truth itself is not in them.

What is the remedy ? The ownership of the papers
by the men who write them, and then an enlightened
public opinion to back up the writers.

You will say that the country newspapers are so
owned. Possibly in some instances; but while the
Associated Press is itself plutocratic, the country news-
paper can be truthful only in the "hay fields," where
they operate for the "hay" facts.

America is an empire of great cities. Forget the
State lines. What counts is what New York, Chicago,
San Francisco, Washington tell us. You can test a
great civilization by its great cities, and nowhere else.
The farmers cannot save the nation. The cities rule
us. To them the farmers send their best of all kinds
and sorts — their sons and daughters included.

I now ask the merchants of the OBVIOUS who run
most of our newspapers to observe and consider that a
CLOUD looks like MASS and SUBSTANCE; but it

250 . - ^ ..

floats and is lighter than air, for it floats high, and the
aviators fly through it.

It was OBVIOUS that some man named "William
Chancellor" was being used to circulate tissue paper
sheets, etc., throughout the land from Pittsburgh to
Chicago.

It was obvious that this name was attached to the
title of Professor of Political Economics, Wooster
University.

It was not obvious that the first wife of James M.
Cox was herself a Harding and that therefore HE
would not back such a propaganda.

It was not obvious that Professor William Esta-
brook Chancellor, Professor of Politics, NOT Political
Economics, which is illiterate, was too much the
friend of James M. Cox to go into any such thing, and
had too much common sense to do it anyway.

It was not obvious that this was amove of the
negroes themselves, backed by local Republican leaders,
such as D. R. Crissinger, and known to Harding him-
self, in order to get the negro vote all out and the
sympathetic white vote with it.

It was not obvious that the argument to Chancellor
of Wooster, that in order to save his chair he must call
other men liars, when he believed them to be telling
the truth, would not work. The Trustees of Wooster
did not go to Wooster that afternoon in order to oust
Chancellor; they went in order to get him to sign a
lie as to his beliefs. Therefore, the New York Press
Club, under orders direct and indirect, from Medill
McCormick, of the Chicago Tribune,

Myron T. Herrick, of the Dayton Journal,
Theodore N. Noyes, of the Washington Star,
Edward H. McLean, of the Cincinnati Enquirer

and Washington Post,
Dan R. Hanna, of the Cleveland News,

251

on the ex parte evidence of one Reverend Doctor John
Timothy Stone, that the Wooster College Board of
Trustees had ousted Chancellor after trial, which was
a lie, and believing in the obvious, which was another
lie to the effect that he had "retracted" that which he
never did, expelled him instanter, which was an offense
to Anglo-American law.

When the right time comes, I propose to get this
fact before the bar of American public opinion. In the
meantime, I watch with interest the investigation into
the affairs of the New York Press Club.

If that turns out well, I intend to ask the Club this
question: How does it happen that there has arisen
in very high public life at last a man who for the first
time in American history is so peculiar that a writer
must be PREVENTED from writing his life, prevented
by all the vast resources of the Amerocan government ?
No other President ever objected to anyone's writing
his life.

It is said in reply that the writer intended to
prove that this President has a peculiar ancestry. Is
this President sacred like Nero in a Golden Palace?
Can truth be written of all white men, but not of men
NOT ALL WHITE ? Is Negro Blood sacrosanct from
publicity? Are the negroes our overlords? It is ob-
jected that the truth would cause public indignation or
worse. No, not the truth in th words, but the placing
of such a man in supreme power, that is the cause of
this fearful dread; it is exposure that they fear.

But if this man is not exposed, he will be re-elected,
and others like him and worse will follow. The plu-
tocracy needs rubber stamps and tools.

Very sincerely,
To an Amateur Anthropologist :

There are, I believe, less than twenty men in
America whose opinions on race questions are worth

252

any thought at all — men who have grounding in the
science, and who have made field studies. The notion
that head forms may change within one generation is
too baseless in fact to be considered seriously; race
is permanent, lasts untold generations. I have seen
in the Near East and here in America persons who
look exactly like the representations upon the Egyptian
monuments, and others like those upon the Assyrian
monuments.

Some so-called "races" are not races at all. And
some apparently different "races" are really one race.
The red and black Kelts are one race, differing in
hair color only; often of Keltic twins, one is red, the
other black. Why? Possibly the race was formed
two (thousand) years ago by combination of Mediter-
ranean black stock and Teutonic blond stock ; but, how-
ever formed, it is now permanent. The genuine Saxons
are one race, appearing with either blond or tawny
hair. In each of these cases, the cephalic indexes re-
spectively are always the same — 80°for male Kelts,
and 78° for male Saxons. This index is as reliable
as the law of gravitation or the law of atomic valence.
Almost all-white Americans until 1880 were either
feudalistic, clannish Kelts or Anglo-Saxons, a special
offshoot of the Saxons, with Anglo impusiveness and
love of freedom and energy forced into Saxon friendli-
ness and sympathy, or else Kelto-Anglo-Saxons and
hybrids, good when the Anglo elements remained
dominant.

When a man sets up to be ALL-WHITE, he must
establish hs race or races scientifically by measure-
ments and historic records in order to satisfy an an-
thropologist. We are dealing here with truth, not with
pride and assertion. There is no more reason for tak-
ing at face-value the genealogical assertions of a sus-
pected family than for taking their promissory notes

268

at face-value without inquiry; and so far as the in-
terests of the human race are concerned, there are a
thousand reasons why the stocks in a man are more
important than his property assets. Every fertile hu-
man being is a potential father or mother of ALL
LATER humanity. Assume that a man has three
children, nine grandchildren, twenty-seven great-
grandchildren, eight-one great-great-grandchildren, he
will have in a thousand years no less than
500,000,000,000 descendants; in other words, if the
earth's civilization improves and races intermarry
freely as equals, which many advocate, his blood may
be in every human being of that period. It so happens
that Amos Harding, of Blooming Grove, has estab-
lished so far a ratio of four, not three, for his descend-
ants. I consider this interesting and important to
America. Within a few centuries, every American of
that period may have Harding blood.

There are already known to be 20,000 d6escendants
of one Francis Powers who came to this country in
1656. It happens that they display a remarkably high
average of abilities, much in the same line; he evi-
dently was a carrier of dominant traits. But in the
Harding instance, the dominant traits appear to have
come down through Huldah Tryon, said to have been
the mother of Amos. Naturally, I am interested in
Huldah and her descendants. One thing is certain —
every man who has many descendants may be sure
that his descendants at some future time will either
come into sever ecompetition with her descendants or
will unite with them. Moreover, the present case is
one where every living human being is interested, for
the present character and ability of Warren Harding
now involves the welfare of all mankind.

The day has passed when biographers will say that
a President had such and such a father and such and

254

such a mother, and let it go at that. We shall take the
interest in such matters as the subjects of monarchial
dynasties take in their sovereigns. We are learning
that hereditary traits are ninety-eight per cent of life.
When a family is notorious for doing no reading, for
not entering into the methods of a civilization of the
written record, and known public law, we shall be fore-
warned. When it is notorious for being short-sighted,
for having only near-range views, we shall be fore-
warned. When it is notoriously subservient, we shall
be forewarned. You cannot force into a brain any-
thing for which the tissue as prepared by heredity is
incompetent to get.

Yours sincerely,
THE CONSTITUTION AND THE PRESIDENT

The latest apologist for the President now in office
is one William H. Crawford, who describes himself as
"a life-long Democrat," who has known him for twenty
years. This writer has an article in THE WORLD'S
WORK for May, a magazine that in its editorials of
the same issue deals manfully with the inability of
the President to formulate a policy in foreign affairs.

Mr. Crawford ends by describing the President as
"A man under whom the power of the executive will
voluntarily fall lower than it has for the last twenty-
five years. Incidentally there are many who believe
with Mr. Harding that the reduction of Presidential
authority is urgently necessary for the preservation
of our democratic form of government.

If the Presidency under Harding falls lower, any
lower than it fell under McKinley and Taft, God save
the American people!

Earlier in the article he said, "Furthermore, Mr.
Harding has no desire or intention to dominate the en-

255

tire government. We will have for the first time in
many years three separate, distinct, and independent
branches of the Government."

Now this statement is nothing less than subversive
of the Constitution itself. There was no intention to
make the President ''coordinate" with the other offi-
cers. It is true that the Presidency is confined by
"checks and balances," but the President is not set up
as merely the equal with others. A rigid examination
of the Constitution and of the statutes carrying it out,
and also of the decisions of the United States Supreme
Court shows this, viz. :

As compared with the President, the Supreme
Court, which is nominated by the Presidents, con-
firmed by the Senate, is more powerful than any man
in office — this is the peculiarity of our American
Federal system.

As compared with the Senate, through his veto, he
equals seventeen Senators.

Through his poM'er to nominate or withhold nomi-
nations and his power to make recess and ad interim
appointments, the President is ten times as powerful
as the Senate.

Through his power to initiate treaties and to man-
age all foreign affairs, he is ten times more powerful.

Through his "implied war powers," he is infinitely
more powerful.

Being Commander-in-chief of the army and navy,
he is all-powerful as compared \vith the Senate. It is'
true that he cannot "declare war;" but Polk showed
that he can "make war" and that the Congress must
back him up. Only one power really confines the "war
powers" of the President ; that is, public opinion.

In respect to the House, the President is again,
through his veto, equal to many Representatives —
mathematically consdered, to seventy-three of them.

366

But the House has only one-fourth of the power of the
Senate anyway. The President is very much more
powerful than Congress, on the whole. In respect to
Mrs. Harding, the writer of this apology says: "There
is evidence everywhere that she has been a helpmate
and advisor to the President in his upward climb."

Then he adds, "As an admirer of Wilson I was more
than exasperated at what I consider the unjust
calumny heaped upon him during the campaign for
partisan political purposes and was inclined to attri-
bute it partly to the nominee of the Republican party ;
consequently, I came to my task certainly with no
prejudice favorable to the new President."

Professor Wlliam Estabrook Chancellor, when at
Marion, himself heard Mrs. Harding tell some visiting
ladies that she was "afraid that those dreadful stories
about Mr. and Mrs. Wilson were true." In a letter to
one of his friends, he said that he was within fifteen
feet of her when she said this, standing on the side-
walk, talking to visitors in a motor car. It was
abundantly in evidence that the agents provocateurs
"of the Republicans, both men and women, were in the
closest relations with the Hardings.

Early in this article, Mr. Crawford said, "Previous
to his nomination, my study of him was superficial,
for, to be perfectly frank, I have never considered that
he was sufficiently important as a national figure to
merit a closer scrutiny." There is a notion frequently
expressed that in the Presdency men often display un-
expected powers. Perhaps so. But in that office, they
never display knowledge that they never had. The
Presidency does not give to a man information and
science. When the cold historians of later times tackle
this man, they will write something worse than the
expressed fears of this apologist. They will recount
the ruin his election brought to the world.

CHAPTER XVIIT

PROFESSOR CHANCELLOR AND THE PEOPLE

Objection has been made to one taking part in poli-
tics by Professor W. E. Chancellor on the ground that
he is "ignorant of the American people." This is ex-
actly the opposite of the true objection, which is, that
he knows the American people. The only cause why he
is not now out lecturing among the people before large
audiences is because the present Administration is
afraid of him and is illegally using its power for its
personal politics. If Professor Chancellor does not
know the American people, who does? Notice these

facts : ,,dMjM

1. Ohio: Lived in the State from birth tiir twelve
years of age; and in adult life nine years.

2. Massachusetts: Studied in Worcester, Amherst
and Cambridge ; taught in Watertown ; ten years.

3. New Jersey: City School Superintendent in
Bloomf ield and Paterson ; nine years.

4. New York: Married a native of New York City,
where he lived five years as student and teacher and
editor. Member of New York Clubs. Many business
connections. Wife, a niece of Henry Ward Beecher and
related to other famous families.

5. Washington, D. C. : City School Superintendent,
Chairman Architectural Commission, university
teacher; three years.

6. Connecticut: City School Superintendent at
Norwalk four years.

7. Nebraska: College President at Lincoln, one
year.

257

258

8. Illinois: Taught in Chicago at the University
of Chicago two summers and has visted the city two-
score times.

Professor Chancellor has given courses of lectures
for six weeks in the States of Washington and of Iowa,
each. He has given lectures in nearly every State of
the Union, including every county of Vermont, fourteen
counties in Pennsylvania, etc. He has travelled nearly
400,000 miles in the United States. His ordinary mail
even when in the qUiet life of a college professor
averaged 20 letters a day, or 6,000 a year ; he received
over 10,000 letters in his political campaign.

No, the trouble with Professor Chancellor is that he
knows too many persons and too many facts, knows
America too well. What we desire is to let the Ameri-
can people know the truth about his treatment by the
politicians of the present Administration. We are cer-
tain what the people will think, feel, say and do.

Is this the American form of a Dreyfus case?
France saw the light at last.

CHAPTER XIX

ACCEPTED GENEALOGY

The Family Genealogy of Warren Gamaliel (Ban-
croft Winnipeg Harding) as prepared by W.J.Harding,
of Keystane, Iowa, and handed to the staff cor-
respondent of the New York WORLD as the authentic

genealogy. When shown by

to on October 18, 1921,

he said : "As a man born a Virginian, I can have but
one answer : white people in Virginia did not give such
names to their children, nor have so many wives per
man.

1. John, b 1567, d 1637, wife unknown.

2. Richard, b 1595, d 1657, two wives, second name
Elizabeth (last name unknown).

3. Stephen, b 1623, d Feb. 20, 1698, wife Bridget
Estance (French).

4. Abraham, b date unknown, d Nov. 23, 1694, wife
Deborah (last name unknown) .

5. Stephen, b 1681, no other record.

6. Abraham, b June 14, 1720, d 1788, wife unknown.

7. Abraham, b 1740, d date unknown, wife Huldah
Try on (Tyrone?).

Children of John were Richard, Amos, John,
Lemuel, Oliver, Joseph.

Children of Abraham and Deborah were Israel,
Stephen, John, Mercy, Lydia, Deborah, Thomas.

Children of Stephen, wife unknown, were Abraham,
Stephen, Thomas, Israel.

Children of Abraham, wife unknown, were Abra-
ham, John, Amos, Lemuel, Oliver, Bice.

259

260

(According to the investigation of Professor Chan-
cellor and of the WORLD, all the foregoing "genealogy**
is faked) .

8. Amos, b March 10, 1764, d July 10, 1839, wife
Phoebe Tripp, married 1794. Migrated to Ohio, 1820,
by which time "they" had seventeen children. (The
record shows that one of them was born November 18,
1795, and another March 15, 1796. It also shows that
Phoebe bore one child in 1785 and the last in 1813. But
the neighbors say that the man had two mates, which
explains the phenomenon of two children born within
117 days of one another! The second mate, who was
the widow, was a comparatively young woman, at the
death of this interesting Amos.)

The names of the children of Amos were Abigail,
George Tryon, William Tripp, Solomon, Mordecai, Rice,
Wealthy, Ebenezer S., Benjamin F., Huldah Jane, John,
Chauncy, Mahala, others unknown to genealogist.
Abigail, b 1785, d 1861, m James Sterns.

George Tryon, b June 5, 1790, d Jan. 9, 1860, first
wife Ann Roberts, b date unknown, married 1812, d
1815, second wife Elizabeth Madison, b 1800, d 1869,
married 1816.

William Tripp, b July 15, 1792, Hindale, married date
unknown ; second wife Mary Otis, married datt^ un-
known.

Solomon, b Jan. 31, 1794, d Feb. 17, 1872. Three
wives, dates of marriages unknown. Their names were
Anna Wheat, Eliza Lathrop, Susan Mason.

Mordecai Rice, b Nov. 18, 1795, d March 15, 1870.
First wife Susan Newton. Second wife Martha Steel.
Dates of marriages unknown.

Wealthy, b (note the date and compare with above)
March 15, 1796, d 1887. Two husbands, dates of mar-
riages unknown ; names, Joseph Baker, Hiram Wells.

Ebenezer S., b 1799, d 1882, Two wives; dates of

261

marriages unknown; names, Mary Webster, Naomi
Wilson.

Benjamin F., b 1801, d April 13, 1838. Wife Anna
Jackson. Date married unknown.

Huldah Jane, b Ppril 10, 1805, d Sept. 13, 1877.
Married Amos Webster, date unknown.

John, b July, date unknown, 1807. Married Alvirah
Dunham, date unknown.

Chauncy C, b Jan. 14, 1809, d Dec. 8, 1880. Married
Rachel Story, date unknown.

Mahala, b 1813, d date unknown. Married Richard
Fields, date unknown.

(This very remarkable Amos who had sevcnlf^^'ii
children, the birth dates and names of the third, fifth,
eleventh, fifteenth and sixteenth being unknown to the
genealogist, had no less than nineteen son-in-laws and
daughter-in-laws for the known twelve children, and
he had ninety-eight known grand children by these
twelve children. It will be observed that in but few
instances is the date of the marriage known. The
date of ^b^ marriage of George Tryon (Tyrone) II., to
Elizf beib Dickerson is also unknown; v/hy?)

CtiUiren of Abigail were Amosa, Justice, Lydia.
Rhoca, Silas, Mercenam Otis, Wealthy, Polly, Phoebe,
(Stearnes).

Of George Tryon by Ann were Huldah, Phoebe Ann ;
by Elizabeth were Oliver, Perry, Charles A., Miranda.

Of William, who though having two wives appar-
ently died young, Eloridge T., Eliza F. Rice, Lois U., by
which wives unknown.

Of Solomon, who had three wives, A. Major, L.
Lothrop, Tary, Alexander L., Delilah, Charlotte, George
Washington, Harrison, Alfred Avery, by which wives
unknown.

(Some of these names bear out the contention that
Amos came from Virginia, as the neighbors say.)

362

Of Mordecai, by two wives, Thos. Newton, Jas. Har-
vey, Lucinda, Susan J., Mordecia, Rice, Rosalinda (who
was coal black) ; Edward S., Louisa J., by which wives
unknown.

Of Wealthy, by two husbands, Har. A., Emily Ann
Stephen P., Emmans Artemissa John M„ Susan, Wil-
liam, Sidney, Corydon, Charles E., Mary E., by which
husbands unknown.

Ebenezer S., by two wives, Wealthy, Charles, Cle-
ment, Mary, Ebenezer, Lewis N., Lydia, by which wives
unknown.

Benjamin, by Anna Jackson, Benjamin E., Philena,
and two names unknown. (He died young, which may
have saved the life of his own wife.)

Hildah Jane, by Amos Westley L., Welcome A., Wil-
son J., Hilah Jane, William W,, Celestia, Zoradia, Amos
C, (Webster).

John, by Alvira Thomas D., Lucius T., Merrit,
James, Benjamin, Solomon, Mary, Sarah, Martha.

Chauncy, by Rachel Nehemiah, Horace H., Harriet
S., Jotham D., Amos J., Hiram R.

Mahala, by two husbands, the name of one un-
known, James E., Maiy A., Mahala S., Lorenzo, George
Washington, Joseph E., Artemisa J., John D., Julius
E., Lucius T., Wilson W., Margaret A., Richard A.,
Florence C.
THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND COMING WARS

The left wing of the coalition styled in November,
1920, "the Republican party," told the people that the
League of Nations meant wars and more wars in which
America would be compelled by the Covenant to en-
gage. The right wing denied that the Republican
party was opposed to the League, and asserted, as did
the Democrats, that the League meant peace for all the
Nations that joined it as concerns one another. There
are now forty Nations within the League; the larger

363

ones not in it are the United States, Russia, Germany
and Turkey. Smaller ones not in it are Austria and
Hungary.

Now what are the facts at the time that this law
suit is being prepared? Premier Hughes, of Australia,
is urging the entire British Empire to arm itself on
sea and land against the United States, and the
Dominion of Canada Government is debatng whether
to follow Australia; while the British Imperial Gov-
ernment at London has announced that if America
adopts the policy of "ship for ship, man for man, with
every other nation," the British will none the less pur-
sue even as against the United States, their policy of
"twice as great as any other nation,"

At the present time, these are the wars threaten-
ing or now preparing, ivz. :
Out of the League In the League

of Nations versus of Nations

1. U. S. A Great Britain

2. Germany France

3. Russia Poland

4. U. S. A Japan

5. Turkey is now at war with Greece

6. U. S. A. is trying to bulldoze Mexico,

which may mean "armed interven-
tion."

7. Russia is fighting Persia.

This means that there are now going or threatened
no less than seven (7) wars. But there is NOT ONE
WAR going or or threatened between Nations within
the League as against one another.

In 1914, 1915 and 1916 most Americans insisted
that the United States would never become involved in
the World War; but the Lusitania and the one-ship-a-
week order of the German Kaiser in January, 1917,
brought us in all the same.

264

What are some of the causes leading to wars now ?
1. Japan resents our international attitude on the
race-question. We have race-equality in the United
States for Caucasions, Ethiapians and Indians ; but not
for the Japanese and Chinese. Yet the yellow men re-
gard themselves superior alike to the Indians, the Ethi-
opians and the Caucasions.

Japan must find room for a truly surplus popula-
tion. They have 60,000,000 in an island less than the
area of New England, New York, New Jersey and
Pennsylvania, with a poorer range of natural resources
and a worse climate. Manchuria and Mongolia are im-
possible because Nature forbids a large population
there. China is already overcrowded. Japan desires
to expand into the Philippines, into Mexico and into
the United States. Victory in war is her only way
of escape.

Japan believes in the Divinity of Kings and in mili-
tary power, and hates our democracy and looks upon
our claims to being "peaceful" as hypocritical. She
means to get the help of Great Britain and to whip
us thoroughly.

Japan regards our claims of race-purity and race-
supremacy for the whites as hypocritical and sees in
our President a colored mestizo like the Presidents of
most of the South American Republics.

Japan grew rich through the Russo-Jap and World
Wars, hates and fears Christendom, is heathen at
heart, and anxious to try out her strength against the
boastful white peoples.

2. Great Britain resents the superiority now of
New York in the commerce of the world. Canada is
trying to clear with London direct through Quebec in-
stead of as now through New York. Great Britain can-
not destroy the United States, but by victories on the

266

sea and on the coasts she might destroy the prestige of
the United States as the foremost of all nations.

Canada resents the Young Tariff Act furiously, as a
direct attack upon her western farmers. She is trying
to get "nationality" by having an ambassador in Wash-
ington, which we have already questioned on the
ground that she has no independent sovereignty, and
therefore cannot have diplomatic recognition of am-
bassadorial or even ministerial grade.

There is, so it is declared by some, no real similar
ity between the people of Great Britain and those of
the United States other than blood and a few such mat-
ters as language and literature. The entire British
Empire recognizes social inequality — nobles, middle
class and peasantry. The British are an aristocracy
with the pronounced social ideas and customs of an
aristocracy. The United States may have an economic
aristocracy, but everything else is democratic. The
nobility and upper classes of the British Empire from
England out into every possession would rejoice to seT
American democracy set back by a war-defeat.

And, unfortunately, upon this side of the United
States, there are many persons, many forces, many
causes making for war with Great Britain. Among
them are these, viz.:

Oil in Mexico and elsewhere.

Sinn Fein.

Pro-Germanism.

Tradition regarding the War of Independence and
the War of 1812.

Sensational newspapers trying for circulation.

American tariffs.

3. Russia will go on fighting for many years to
come while she eases out into a totally different social
state from that under the Romanoffs. We may be-
come involved in such warfare, however, sincerely we

266

seek to avoid it. We are after international trade, and
the masters of such trade will not stop at so small an
obstacle as the objection of humble persons against be-
ing soldiers in their wars of business.

Analysis similar to these might be made of the
other wars now brewing, while the Harding Admini-
stration tries out his revolutionary notion of a Secretary
of State carrying all the burdens of foreign policy with-
out direct responsibility to the people and the chief of
the Government evades all the burdens and over-
throws all the precedents.
THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA GOVERNMENT

A man is known by the appointments that he
makes. Warren G. Harding has appointed as District
Commissioner a man now seventy years old, who has
been a candidate for this high office in Washington
continually for over thirty years, the overlord of the
colored people in the largest population of colored peo-
ple of all the cities of the world, Timbuctoo included.
Born and reared in the District, two years in attend-
ance at a Catholic school, with no other education —
he has never voted, for, much as Vice-President
Coolidge was astonished at this information, no native
resident of the District can vote; yet, calling himself
"a Democrat," he bolted Cox and supported Harding,
to the extent that talk in Washington can support any-
one. His power is due to his control over the blacks in
Washington, which in turn is largely due to the fact
that he is of enormous size, weighing in his prime 350
pounds. He owns real estate connected with the night
life of the National Capital, and can afford under-
ground passage to the President if required.

Roosevelt tried to suppress him ; Taf t laughed at
him; Wilson made his life miserable by trying to en-
force the laws against him ; but now he is in power over
the police and the teachers and everyone else.

267

This man will have charge of the expenditures of
twenty and more millions of dollars a year. He is so
ignorant that a few years ago, he made a protest
against the teaching of algebra and of psychology in
the public schools as a waste of money. The Republi-
can party and the President can make this man use-
ful in many ways to themselves. He has long been a
tool of the District grafters in real estate, contracts
and other corruption. Of course, he has ability; as
every political boss must have. His name is a joke, and
disgraceful — James F. Oyster — but his present power
will make his appointment a serious matter to Ameri-
cans. He is crude, profane, a heavy drinker, vile, and
in all ways an example of the "powers of darkness,"
but Harding likes him.

Toutfini.

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